speaker. There are, however, certain qualifications which we have a right to demand of every man who is ambitious to appear upon the stump. No man has a right to go upon the stump merely to show himself. He is an attorney for his party, and he has no right to attempt the business unless he possesses certain qualifications which are indispensible to the least

success.

1. He must be a man of intellect. What can be more insulting to an audience than to have thrust upon them the senseless drivel of a booby? If the object were to disgust the people, to drive away votes from your party, then the swarm of third or fourth-rate ward and town politicians, who generally figure as stump-speakers, would be well in their place. But the object of the political meeting should be to enlighten, to instruct, and to make converts. Is that a place for ignoramuses to show themselves?

2. He must not only be a man of intellect, but he must be, if not a man of learning, well read in the history of his country, and well posted in all political issues of the day. Especial ly should he be familiar with the history of parties, and with the antecedents of the political leaders of the times. He must understand the bearing which the policy of parties and party leaders has upon the industrial, financial, and commercial interests of the country. He must be able to probe and sift the pretensions of the opposi tion to their depths, and to answer on the spot any question which arises in the audience relating either to the past history, or the present rule of parties. In a word, he should be as familiar with his subject as an accomplished

attorney with his case, or as a minister with the Bible.

Ile should be a man of established reputation for political honesty, or of such skill and force of eloquence as to impress his audience with a convic tion of his profound sincerity at the time. Unless the crowd is impressed with the perfect sincerity of a man's words at the time he utters them, he makes no impression-gains no votes. They may admire his intellect, and be charmed with his ingenuity, but unless they are also persuaded that he honestly and heartily believes his own words, his speech is worse than useless to his party.

4. He should be a man of such dig nity and propriety of manners before the audience as to thoroughly impress it with the importance of his subject and of the occasion. The habit of telling stories for the mere purpose of causing laughter, is pernicious, and is a pretty sure sign that the speaker is without mental resources for the occa sion. An occasional anecdote which forcibly illustrates a point of the speech is well; but a string of stories for the sole purpose of making the crowd laugh, convinces the audience of nothing unless it be of the mental poverty and vulgarity of the speaker. They may laugh, and so they would to see the orator turn a somersault backward into a mud puddle, or to see him jump about on the platform like a monkey; but neither their judgments would be convinced, nor their respect secured.

5. The successful stump-speaker will be careful to suit his discourse to the character of his audience. Are they omstly farmers, or mechanics, or merchants? Is there any considerable

number of the opposition present? These are questions which the speaker will settle in his own mind before he begins. To do this intelligently, he should always reach the place of meeting a few hours before the appointed time, in order that his friends may post him in all these matters. The speech that would be useful in one locality might fail in another. He is not to forget that the object of the meeting is to inspire his party with hope and zeal, and to get votes. To accomplish this design more effectually, he must, to a great extent, place himself in the hands of the men of the best judgment of the character, tastes and wants of the locality. He is not there to show off himself, or to exhibit all the peculiarities of his own opinions, but to persuade the crowd of the justice. of his party's cause.

6. He should carefully adhere strict ly to the truth when dealing with the record or with the doctrines of the opposite party. There will always be enough in the crowd to detect any false statement of this kind, and they are sure to re-act upon the party which resorts to such base tricks in a campaign. Besides, it is insulting a whole audience to lie to them about even their enemies. It is presuming upon their ignorance of the matters discussed. For the same reason all unjust severity should be avoided. Not that an orator should spare, in the least, the most terrible indignation and denunciation against wrongs and crimes of which he is able to present the audience the clear proof. Truth is the measure of the amount of wrath that may be dealt out to the opposition. If great wrongs have been committed, the strongest terms may be

employed in denouncing them-the stronger the better, if they carry, at the same time, the proof of their justice. For instance, for an opponent of President Fillmore to have called him " a usurper, a tyrant and a scoundrel," would have been in bad taste, and would have subjected the author of such language to contempt. But all these terms may be applied to Mr. Lincoln, because they are true-even his own partizans know them to be true-and the rules of just criticism. are not, therefore, transcended or abused by such severe language. When the most thundering orator of France jumped up in the Assembly of Paris, and shouted, "Room! room! room there in hell for Maxamilian Robespierre," he did more to help the final doom of the delirious tyrant than the most elaborate ordinary review of his misdeeds could have done, because the crimes of Robespierre had justified the awful words. Sheridan was the most popular orator of England, and yet no man ever used such severe language against a pernicious principle, or a delinquent person, as he. It was said of his speeches that "they skinned men alive." But no man ever used greater caution, or exhibited more consummate taste in selecting the objects of his denunciation. He ever entrenched himself behind truth, and from that battery let fly the mighty missiles of his brain.

Never, in the history of nations, was there a time for such great campaigning as the present. Never was there such a field for the competent, or the great stump-speaker as now. All the resources of eloquence are opened to the master in this campaign-whether of argument, of satire, of ridicule,

or denunciation. All weapons are in his hand. What a treat it would be to hear a Danton, a Sheridan, or a Grattan on the stump against Lincoln! How they would shake down the temple of lies and frauds, and despotisms, which has been reared on the soil of freedom!

On the other hand, there never was a time when political tyros and ignoramuses appeared so utterly contemptible on the stump as now. They are instantly thrown down by the weight of their subject. They look like ants attempting the load of Atlas.

WE give our patrons, this month, an excellent likeness of ex-Governor Rodman M. Price, of New Jersey. He is one of the few public men of the North who, from the first, had a clear insight into the heart of our difficulties. He denounced the calling forth of the first army as an act unauthorized by the Constitution, and unwarranted by a sound and statesmanlike policy. He was of the opinion that the wisest course to pursue was for the States all to reassume their delegated powers, as they did after the failure of the old Confederacy, and go again into a Conventiion of all the Slates, for re-construction, as we did in 1787. This proposition brought upon him a storm of abuse from the whole country. The leaders of the Democratic party, in his own State, in their stolidity, averted their face from him. They preferred to assist Lincoln to wage fierce war. But time-even this brief time-has vindicated the wisdom and the patriotism of Governor Price's proposition. Had his counsel been followed, there is not a doubt that we should at this day been in the peaceful enjoyment of the Union, reconstructed upon a basis that would forever after render the efforts of mischief-makers and fanatics abortive of the ills they have now brought upon us. How gladly would the sane men of all parties seize such a chance to save the Union as was pre-, sented in Gov. Price's proposition! What

an ocean of blood he would have saved us! What a crushing mountain of debt! But, more than all, he would have saved the Union. With all our respect for Gov. Parker, we cannot help believing that had Mr. Price been Governor of New Jersey at the beginning of this war, he would have put his State in such a position as would have been an example to the other States, which would have prevented the war, and would have resulted in a redeemed and preserved Union. Gov. Price has had an extensive experience in political life. He was one of the framers of the Constitution of the State of California. He afterwards represented his native State of New Jersey with distinguished ability in the Congress of the United States; after that was Governor of the State. He is undeniably one of the most sagacious statesmen, not only of his own State, but of the country. Whether from disgust or otherwise he has mingled little with politics for the last three years. It must have been painful to a man of his sagacity to witness the falling away of the Democratic leaders into an alliance with the despotism of Abolitionism. But the day, we think, dawns, which will call for the services of men of his ability and fidelity to Democratic principles. The day of time-servers and hirelings and cowards, it is to be hoped, is almost over.