the northern people. His whole proceedings, for the last year and a half, rests upon the assumption that all who are not knaves are fools. And if we except the "Copperheads," he has too much ground for his conclusion. A man who imagines that the Union can be restored by war, is fairly an object for the sympathy of intelligent men. We may pity while we deplore his simplicity. But the time for pity is passed now. This message ends the dispensation to which pity belongs, and begins an era in which infamy and eternal shame attach to every man who gives further aid or comfort to the bloody measures of Mr. Lincoln's Administration. Support not, help not, from this time forward must be the watchword of every man who is not an Abolition disunionist. Mr. Lincoln has run up his black banner so high that none can fail to see it. The New York World, one of the most persistent war papers in the United States, says of this document:

"It is a proposition which the South will feel that it cannot accept without a degree of voluntary self-degradation which every southe-ner of spirit and character will regard as voise thau death."

It might have truthfully added, that there is not one man of honor in the Unitee Stares who would not, in his heart, despise a southerner who should accept so degrading a proposition. A proposition which is alike degrading to North and South, because it strikes at a principle that is held sacred by all honorable men everywhere. It was meant to insult the whole people of the South. It is a characteristic jibe of Abolitionism, intended to

drive men, already goaded to madness, to deeper, to unappeasable desperation. After this Message and Proclamation, there is no longer left a vestige of hope for the Union, except it be in the immediate and determined action of the Democratic party in a tremendous counter Proclamation. The South must be convinced that the great Democratic party of the North is itself again-is back upon the old platform of principle, embraced in the Kentucky and Virginia resolutions of 1798, on which it firmly, triumphantly stood, in every campaign, up to the breaking out of this Abolition revolution, before it will be possible for her to entertain a proposition to return. How do we ask her to come back, where there are none to welcome her, except with hearts of hate and hands of blood? How do we ask her to come back? On terms that devote her people to death, her property to annihilation, and her States to obliteration! Let us pray Almighty God that she never will come back on such accursed ground as that. If these are the only terms offered, then her battles are ours! Her cause is ours, for it is the cause of self-government, of liberty, of humanity, and of State sovereignty, recognized and claimed by every State in the Union, and which is the solid foundation of the Federal Government itself. If the Democratic party does not immediately and defiantly separate itself from all support of this war of Abolition and State annihilization, then farewell the Union, and farewell liberty in the North, if not in the South!

17

on

SENATOR WILSON has given notice of a bill to repeal all laws of Congress for the rendition of fugitive slaves. Congress has passed two such laws. The first in 1793, which was signed by Washington. The second in 1850, signed by President Fillmore. Mr. Wilson's bill is to repeal both of these acts. But, to accomplish his object, he must also bring in a bill to repeal a portion of the Fourth Article of the Constitution, which declares that such fugitives "shall be delivered up on claim," to their masters. While this article of the Constitution stands, it will be the duty of all parties having fugitive slaves about them to surrender the same to their masters, claim," notwithstanding the acts of Congress should be repealed. The duty to surrender will be just as binding after these acts are repealed as before. It is a matter over which Congress has no control. It can no more rescind the article providing for the surrender of fugitive slaves, than it can the one providing for the election of President, or for vesting the legislativs powers of the Federal Government in the Congress. This duty, to give up fugitive slaves to their owners, is a part of the organic law of the laud. Mr. Lincoln's proclamations have no more effect upon it, in a legal point of view, than a proclamation from him against the laws of marriage would have. Any man who obeys one of these illegal proclamations is, in the eyes of the law, none the less a felon than if he had

V

committed these crimes of his own motion. The moment Mr. Lincoln is left to be dealt with according to law, every man whose slaves he has turned loose by special order, may arrest and punish him for his lawless deeds. This is the law; and should the President fail in his designs to revolutionize and destroy the Constitutional Government of the United States, no hand but that of death can snatch him from the penalties of the broken laws. The Constitution which made him President limits his-powers to the administration of the laws, by Constitutional, and only by Constitutional means. If the revolutionists in Congress repeal every law enacted since the establishment of the Government, there stands the Constitution, which Congress cannot repeal. That is the master of Congress, as it is of the President, and has power to hang the President and every member of Congress, if they attempt to subvert or destroy it. The idea that the attempted secession of the South gives Mr. Lincoln the right to violate and destroy the Constitution of his country, will be seriously entertained by none but fools. Before he can take his seat as President, he must take a solemn oath to support the Constitution. That oath has no exceptions. It is just as binding in war as in peace. It provides for war as well as peace. The President has no more right to break it in times of war than he has in times of peace. He just as much deserves impeachment for violating the Constitution in war, as he

18

would for violating it in peace. This is plain enough to all who have not lost their wits by fanaticism, or some other wickedness and folly. It would undoubtedly subserve the cause of our country, of Constitutional liberty, if some brave and patriotic member of the present Congress would file articles of impeachment against Mr. Lincoln, and put the revolutionists of the stripe of Senator Wilson to their wits' ends to defend him, or force them to a mortifying retreat behind a gag resolution to shut off all debate upon the matter. This would be forcing from their own mouths a confession of the truth of the charges brought in the articles of impeachment. For no PresiIdent would shrink from the full and free investigation of such grave charges, if he were conscious that he had the law and right on his side. To shrink, under such circumstances, would be a confession of guilt. Any attempt to persecute the member who should bring the matter to the attention of Congress, would be regarded, by the public opinion of the world, as a confession of judgment by the party accused. It is rumored that one of the ablest legal minds in the United States, a man whose patriotism will be questioned by no one who is not himself a traitor, is already engaged on articles of impeachment. It is not,

of course, supposed that anything but a partizan verdict can be obtained from the present Congress, but the trial would bring out the dark catalogue of usurpations and crimes to the notice and knowledge of the people, in a shape easily comprehended, and would aid very much in fixing and deepening the public conviction that the President has no Constitutional right to employ an army, even against a recreant State, for any other purpose than to aid the civil anthorities in enforcing the laws of the Union. Any other result would not be a restoration of the Union. To conquer, tc subjugate, to wipe out one-third of the States, so far from saving the Union, would be precisely to destroy the Union. And it would Be a destruction a thousand times worse than secession, because it would not only destroy one-third of the States, it would destroy the Federal Government itself, and substitute a State-annihilating, colony-holding despotism in its place.

Let Congress be set to discussing the crimes of the President in these schemes, involving the destruction of the Constitution and the overthrow of the Federal Government, as a matter of far greater importance to our country than another session spent in legislating for the benefit of negroes.

་

and confusion; or the condition of America under Republican rule. Scribble-scrabble-Pages of inanity; or the great volumes of Mr. Seward's diplomatic correspondence. Shilly-shally-Hesitation and irresolution; or Gov. Seymour's manner of removing the convicted Police Commissioners of New York. Dingle-dangle-Aerial suspension; or a thing that haunts the imagination of the Abolitionists. Nincompoop, Ninnyhammer-Assanine wretches; or those Democrats who allow themselves to be used as a tail to Lincoln's kite.

Rigmarole - Discourse,

incoherent,

rhapsodical, and ungrammatical; or President Lincoln's Messages. Ding-dong-Tintinnabulary chimes; or Congressional eloquence on the ne

gro.

Crinkum-crankum-Lines of irregularity and involution; or the Army of the Potomac's march to Richmond. Fee-faw-fum-Gigantic intonations; or Mr. Stanton's war bulletins. Hocus-pocus-Pseudo necromancy; or Mr. Chase's manipulations of the currency.

Zig-zag-Transverse angles; or Becelier's footpath to the kingdom of hea

ven.

Tit-for-tat—Adequate retalliation; or what those who have been unlawfully imprisoned by Lincoln and his satraps mean to do when their day

comes.

Helter-skelter-Quasi hilariter & celeriter; i. e., motion of equal jocundity and velocity; or the gait of Mr. Lincoln to the end of his tether. Mum-chance-Mental torpidity; or the retiring Mayor of New York city. Three sheets-in-the-wind-Three quarters drunk; or the normal condition of the Governors of Pennsylvania and Illinois.

Topsy-turvy-An inversion of capitals and fundamentals; or the brain of the President.

See-saw-Alternate preponderation; or the vibration of Mr. Lincoln between the Sewards and Sumners. Willy-nilly-The execution of an act without the consent of another; or the presence of the Border members in Congress, against the will of the people they profess to represent. Tittle-tattle-Futile talk; or the interviews of the Conservatives with the President.

Hodge-podge-A culinary mixture of heterrogeneons ingredients--discor dant combinations; or the harmony between the fighting bull-dogs of Tammany and the lambs of Mozart. This great work of the learned and truly accomplished Lexiphanes, will be completed in 3000 folio volumes, and will, as we said, appear some time

19

20

within the coming nine hundred years; copyright secured. Subscriptions received by Abraham Lincoln, Esq., Washington, and at the office of the Evening Post and the Tribune, New

York city. The learned author avers that we are the only editor in the United States to whom he shall submit the advance sheets of his astonishing labors.

We are happy to announce that after three years of digging, popping, and swearing before Charleston, during which time we have been successful in nothing but lying, we at last have a sure thing of it, and shall bring that ungodly city to ashes within the next sixty days. The splendid invention to which we shall owe these magnificent results, it is said, is due to the genius of Mr. Lincoln alone. He proposes to sail up Charleston Harbor with a hundred thousand tin life boats at the same instant of time. Each boat to be just large enough to hold three men, two to row and one to steer, each man to be armed with a pot of Greek fire. Whilst these boats would not be invulnerable to the rebel batteries, they would be so to musketry,

Mr.

and they will be so small and light that they will skip like arrows over the waves, without coming in contact with the torpedoes and obstructions. Lincoln reasons that, even granting the rebels to let fly a thousand batteries at this tin fleet, only a small portion of the 100,000 could be hit, and he thinks it safe to reckon on 50,000 reaching the city. This would land a hundred and fifty thousand men in the city, each armed with a suffocating stink-pot of Greek fire. In less than twenty minutes the whole city would be in flames with such a fire as would exterminate the devils in hell. That will be the end of Charleston, and of every human being in it. It is said that our soldiers are impatient for the hour of the grand experiment to arrive.