availed him in passed triumphs. There was none left that offered so fair a field for future operations as Abolitionism. The remnants of the old Whig party were, a portion of them at least, to an extent, under his control, and he conceived the plan of uniting them with Abolitionism, and all other factions in the country, under the name of the Republican party, for a grand crusade which was intended for the sole purpose of carrying him into the Presidency. He cared nothing for Abolitionism. Had Mormonism been more available, or suited his selfish purposes better, he would have embraced that instead. Utterly destitute of any moral convictions, he never embraces any cause for its principles. Like all demagogues, he is adroit but not profound. All his speeches about the irrepressible conflict were shallow in logic, and reckless in language and spirit. He is a good deal more of a declaimer than a thinker. His speeches in the Senate, delivered only at long intervals, after six and ten months preparation, are only carefully prepared declamations.

When did he ever attempt to measure swords in a debate with any of the strong men of that body? Never.

The last long speech he delivered there, was demolished by Mr. Douglas, in an extemporaneous reply of less than twenty minutes. Mr. Seward at tempted no answer. Mr. Fessenden, his friend, tried to cavil a little, but attempted no argument. Least of all, did Mr. Seward venture into a debate with Mr. Douglas. No, he never debates. Never argues; always declaims. Glittering generalities are his forte.

He knows how to ride upon the prejudices and passions of the vulgar,

the violent, and the ignorant. He is simply a stirer of the storm, which he directs as long as it is profitable to himself, and then he leaves it to die. away over the heads of his dupes. His mortification at losing the stake he had played for was terrible. His disgust at seeing a man, whose mind and manners rendered him almost beneath contempt, occupying the Presi dential chair, which he had taught his imagination to call his own, knew no bounds. He hated Lincoln and his party, and his country, with the most deadly of all hatreds-that which springs from defeated and mortified ambition. At first he publicly announced that his political career was at an end. But a second thought changed his purposes That thought was revenge. He entered the Cabinet, as Lucifer entered Paradise, only for evil. In the very start his acts were so wild and reckless, that men of his own party hinted that he was drinking too much. In Lincoln's name he has done deeds that he never would have committed in his own; and he has drawn Lincoln into acts that his very weakness would have shrunk from with fear, unless pushed on by a superior strength. He is the fiend of the Administration, who inaugurated all its acts of despotism here in the North. In Mr. Lincoln he found an apt scholar. Vulgarity is naturally reckless, and low natures are generally cruel. So Mr. Lincoln has been an easy tool of Mr. Seward's revenge. How adroitly he has covered his tracks. Whenever he was about to commit some new act of despotism, he would cause an announcement to be made in all the papers under his control that he was about to leave the Cabinet, because he

was dissatisfied with these acts of the Administration. This is Mr. Seward. He and Garrison are the two strongest representative men of the Republican party. Garrison, fanatical, intol erant, implacable-Seward, secretive, false, adroit, cruel and devilish. The party has shown itself fully inspired with the character and spirit of these two men. Detraction, slander, bribery and intimidation are the weapons of its warfare. It bribes the vicious, and imprisons the virtuous. It suspends the sacred writ of liberty.

It scizes the public press by its Provost-Marshals, or orders it destroyed by mobs and drunken soldiers. In the name of liberty it plunders and bastiles the people. It has all the violence and wrath of Garrison, with the duplicity, falsehood and revenge of Seward. It is Robespierre's party in France, after Robespierre got drunk with blood. It will keep on plundering and murdering the people, until the people turn upon it, as the people of France did upon Robespierre and his assassins.

W. T. URQUHART.

or ruled by an army, they will rise up in their wrath and sweep away the usurpers and their debt together. This is no threat held out. It is no approved plan of our own. It is simply judging from the logic of history what is to come. It is weighing the debt against the ability of the people to pay. It is warning the deluded wretchos who are driving on this destructive car, to stop before they reach the point af irreparable ruin. They are now so besotted and steeped in ignorance, lust and revenge, that they may not be able to note the difference between

a warning and a threat. Time, however, will knock this distinction into their passion-blinded intellects. They will come to their senses too late to save themselves. But they will learn, at last, that those who defy the justice of God and the rights of humanity cannot escape chastisement. They will discover that the people are neither their dogs nor their slaves. If their own debt were a mountain to fall upon them and hide them from the wrath to come, it will be a mercy. But they deserve no mercy, and they will find

none.

We give the patrons of THE OLD GUARD this month an excellent likeness of the Hon. S. S. Cox, of Ohio, who has been, perhaps, the most active of all the Democratic members of Congress against the Administration of Mr. Lincoln. While, most unaccountably to us, he professes to be what is called a "War Democrat," he has made more speeches than any member of Congress against every aim and policy of the party in power. He has furnished the public with facts and arguments enough to justify the impeachment of the President, and the hanging of some members of his Cabinet, while, strangely enough, he admits, what no Democrat can, as it seems to us, consistent ly do, the right of Federal military coercion against States. Mr. Cox is un

doubtedly one of the readiest and ablest debaters in Congress, and pos sesses withal such an amount of hu mor, and so great a versatility, as to render him a very formidable antago nist. On the 27th of July, 1861, he offered a set of peace resolutions in Congress, which he was not allowed even to read without several interruptions from the Republicans, and which the traitorous majority refused even to consider. Mr. Cox was the nominee of the Democratic members for Speaker of the present Congress. His election would have been a credit to Congress and to the country; for, besides being a man of ability and learning, he is a gentleman-a thing that cannot be truly said of a majority of the present House.