despotism, than that the shame and despotism of the war principle should be permanently saddled upon the name of Democracy. I trust the danger of that folly is past already. If the time has not come for the Democratic party to throw its proud old banners to the breeze, boldly inscribed with the emblems of its ancient principles of State sovereignty and self-government, then the time has not come for it to enter the field of political contest at all. Sir, I, for one, will not ask God to forgive the wretches who, in a time like this, would make the Presidential campaign one of spoils, and not of principle. I will not be a party to the policy of educating the people in the principles of anti-republican coercive despotism, for the sake of dabbling in official plunder. We profess to be for the Union as it was-then let us nominate some man who represents the principles of the Union as it was. If we hope to restore the Union, we must present a Presidential nominee who will command the respect and confi. dence of the true friends of the Union, North and South. But we shall be told that there are no friends of the Union in the South. Of a union as it is now represented, by war and carnage, theft and rape, certainly not; and I pray God there never may be I do not wish to think so meanly of human nature as to imagine it possible that that there ever should be. But if you speak of a union of sovereign, co-equal, and fraternal States, such as our fathers made, I know there are thousands of good and sincere Union men in the South-quite as many, I am persuaded, as there are in the North at the present time. I am persuaded that Jefferson Davis would be

far more willing to see the Union restored to the precise basis on which it was originally formed, than Abraham Lincoln. Who will say that Alexander H. Stephens is not a better friend of the Union as it was founded by our fathers, than Hannibal Hamlin ? Mr. Stevens is a friend of the principles of that Union; Mr. Hamlin is not. The Republican party was formed for the purpose of overthrowing those principles. The very Convention which gave the Republican party its name passed resolutions in derogation of the Union. Sir, I have never conversed with a man from the South, even since this war began, who did not express admiration for the Union as it was, before the foul fiend of Abolitionism broke its peace. There is far more hope of the southern man who believes that the Union our fathers established was, as Jefferson Davis called it, "a wise and benificent compact of friendly States," than of the northern man who believes it was a compact with hell." There are more friends and admirers of that old Union to-day in the Confederate Congress than there are in the body that sits in Washington. The Secessionists are friends of the principles of that Union, the Abolitionists are enemies to those principles. It was a long-continued war upon those principles that broke the Union. Sir, there is but one hope for the restoration of the Union, and that is in a party here in the North which adheres firmly and uncompromisingly to the voluntary principle on which it was first established, and which can present its hand unstained with the blood of this worse than barbarian war, in the efforts at reconstruction. If there is any sagacity, any patriotism, left in the Demo

A LITTLE more than a quarter of a century has elapsed since the commencement of the Abolition treason against the Constitution and laws of the United States. It originated in a few heated and disturbed minds, who were avowed infidels and disorganizers of the most violent and indecent type. Wm. Lloyd Garrison, the most zealous and rabid of the corps, soon became notorious. In the fury of his zeal he denounced and slandered the character of the respectable people of Boston, who rebuked his disreputable conduct, and was finally imprisoned for his gross slanders. But the strict confinement and low diet to which the administrators of the law confined him, did not allay the violence of his zeal. He regarded his imprisonment as a martyrdom. It certainly had this advantage-it lifted him into an elevation which, like that of the pillory, rendered him the observed of all obHe renewed his denunciations with the malice of Satan. H raved, and the world laughed. But he has proved that so rickety and unstable are the affairs of the world, that even a madman can disturb them. He gained his disciples--what impostor ever raved without converts ?-and soon he became the object of attention to all the crack-brained fanatics in the land. At length he gained sufficient money to enable him to visit England, and crave foreign influence against the laws and institutions of his countrymen. England was at that time a recking hot-bed of quacks and enthu

He

siasts, who lent a willing ear to the crazed abstractions, wild appeals, and false statements of Garrison. He found himself in his element. preached against his country to applauding multitudes. He denounced Washington as "a robber," because he was a slaveholder. He called the American Constitution a "blood-stained instrument," because it recognized and protected slavery; and, in short, indulged to his bitter soul's content in foul and frothy invective against the Constitution and laws of the United States. Having sufficiently blackened his country abroad, he returned to renew his treasonable labors at home. He was received by the fanatics with rapture; and the work was resumed with fresh ardor. The efforts of these conspirators, at their midnight meetings, where the bubbling cauldron of Abolition was filled with its pestilential materials, and the fire beneath kindled by the breath of intolerance, have often reminded us of the witch scene in Macbeth. Their chorus is peculiarly in character for these Abolition gatherings :

"Black spirits and white,
Red spirits and gray,
Mingle, mingle, mingle,
You who mingle may.'

"

In such a conclave of fanatics and traitors, the whole scene of the devilpossessed witches in Macbeth is to the point:

"For a charm of powerful trouble,
Like a hell-broth boil and bubble.
Double, double, toil and trouble,
Fire burn and cauldron bubble."

In these scenes Garrison, gloomy, wild, malignant and unprincipled, was the ruling spirit. This wretched fanatie has, in his whole career, betrayed the worst passions allied to the worst purposes. All his writings have beer. blackened with the vilest slanders and the most vindictive abuse. Indeed, so vehement, rancorous and fiend-like have been his exhibitions of passion against his opponents and against his country, that many persons have looked upon him as insane. The following is a fair specimen of his style of writing" Ye crafty calculators! Ye hard-hearted, incorrigible sinners! Ye greedy contemners of justice and mercy! Ye trembling, pitiful, pale-faced usurpers! My soul spurns you with unspeakable disgust!" In abusing his opponents he exhibits a frantic and frontless disregard of the decencies of the press. If good men sanction slavery, they are "robbers and villains." If the Constitution maintains it, it is

a covenant with death;" if the Union is in his way, it is "an agreement with hell;" if the Bible is quoted in support of it-it is ridiculed as a "fiddle for tyrants to play on ;" if the Church opposes him, it is called a "nest of Scoundrels."

For more than a quarter of a century this seditious fanatic has vented his spleen and treason against the Constitution, laws and people of the United States. He started off in his mad career proclaiming that "the North must break up this cursed Union to cut itself off from the damning sin of slavery." He and his whole band of agitators have openly preached disunion, and published disunion papers and pamphlets for thirty years. Abolitionism was a sedition from the begin

ning. In the "Bill of Sentiments," drawn by Garrison as early as 1838, they declared that "We cannot acknowlekge allegiance to any human gov ernment."

The declaration of principles put forth at the Abolition Convention, even in 1836, declares that “All those laws which are now in force, admitting the right of slavery, are before God null and void." And thus these open mouthed traitors went on fighting the Constitu tion and laws of the United States, all the time preaching the accursed doctrines of disunion or destruction, until the great American Anti-Slavery Convention which met in New York, May, 1844, put forth the following resolu tions :

Resolved, That secession from the present United States Government is the duty of every Abolitionist, since no one can take of fice or deposit a vote under its Constitution, without violating his anti-slavery principles.

Resolved, That fourteen years of warfare against the slave power have convinced us that every act done in support of the Ameri can Union, rivits the chains of the slavethat the only exodus of the slave to freedom, unless it be one of blood, must be over the ruins of the present American Church, and the grave of the present Union.

Resolved, That the Abolitionists of this country should make it one of the primary objects of their agitation to dissolve the American Union.

Here was not only a proclamation of war by the vanguard of the Repub lican party against the Union, but against the Church of Christ-a declaration of war against heaven and earth, and everything else, except hell itself.

This mighty horde of Abolition disunion traitors has marched, and countermarched, up and down before our face and eyes, boldly inscribing their treason upon a thousand banners, which have flaunted in our faces from

that day to this. This wretch, Garrison, is not only a representative man of the Republican party, he is more; he is its father. He manufactured the thunder which Mr. Seward and his followers have used in the work of destroying the Union. This arch demagogue, Seward, had demoralized, and finally destroyed, the old Whig party, by inoculating it with every fanaticism that he could make available for his own advancement.

1. He rode into power on the antimason excitement; not that he knew anything or cared anything about masonry, except that he saw that he could use it to raise a tide of fanaticism on which he could be borne into place and emolument. When he had made all the use he could of the excitement he had raised, he dropped it, and left those whom he had drawn into the folly to get out of it the best way they could.

2. He jumped upon anti-rentism, and although only one or two counties in his State had any interest in the question, he contrived to embroil the whole State in it, and actually secured a majority in the State Legislature. When he had squeezed this question dry, he abandoned it, as he had the cause of anti-masonry, and again left his friends looking at each other with amazement that they had suffered themselves to be used as tools of the ambition of a single man.

3. We find him astride of the Main Law, riding it precisely as he had other fanaticisms. Although a free drinker himself-far too free to be always sober he entered with seeming devoted enthusiasm into the cause of temperance. Rum was then the same devil that masoury and rentism had

been before This hobby he rode so successfully that he got a Legislature which re-elected him to the United States Senate.

4. And then, vaulting from the temperance saddle, he lit upon the back of Abolitionism, which he meant to ride into the White House at Washington, and would have triumphantly done so but for Mr. Greeley, whom he had used in all his other fanaticisms without fairly sharing the plunder with him. When Abolitionism was small and weak, Seward turned his back upon it. The first United States political Abolition Convention, which met in Buffalo in 1844, secretly tendered him the nomination for President, before it was given to Mr. Birney; but Abolitionism was then too fecble to be serviceable to the ambition of Mr. Seward, and he wrote a letter to the managers of the Convention, entreating them not to make any public use of his name in connection with their party. This letter gave great offence to the men who had embarked in the cause from convictions of duty. Mr. Seward they knew had professed to be with them, and they thought he should have willingly given the cause whatever weight his name might carry. But it was yet too soon. Mr. Seward never touches any cause for the sake of helping it; but he is always ready to embrace any cause which can help him. His eye was, however, quick to perceive that Abolitionism had gained a certain moral momentum which might very soon render it serviceable to his ulterior political views. His eye was on the White House. The old Whig party was dying, if not dead; he had worn out or used up every fanaticism which had