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1500 banks created by State laws, that comprise a large and powerful interest, if they can be combined under one head. Happily, they are not now so combined. Each State has, since the formation of the Government, had its own laws to regulate its own local business. Each has perfected a banking system, and in some of them, New York and New Jersey in particular, the people, in the exercise of their sovereign power, the powers declared re seryed to them in the Federal Constitution, have delegated to their State legislators, by the State Constitution, declared that no bank shall do business within the State, without first "giving ample security for the payment of their notes in specie."

be gold for the rich, greenbacks for the pet banks, and greenbacks diluted for the people.

The depreciation will be greater, because the notes, at a discount from the place of redemption, will be at a discount even for greenbacks. Thus, suppose Mr. Chase has given Mr. Opdyke a contract for army blankets: to make them, the wool must be bought; Mr. Chase gives him in payment Oregon national bank notes; Mr. Opdyke gives those to the farmer for the wool; the farmer wants the pay in negotiable money, at a moment when, as now, greenbacks are scarce; he must lose the discount, or expense of sending these notes to Oregon for redemption in greenbacks, Thus Mr. Op

The issue of greenbacks by the Fe- probably 2 per cent.

deral Government does not attack this right; but if the Treasury can go a step further, and force upon each State banks under Mr. Chase, and which do not pretend ever to pay a dollar in specie, then the State sovereignty and State banks fall together to the ground, and the whole banking system and money power of the country becomes consolidated in the hands of Mr. Chase, with "power to bind or to loose," to give or withhold Government patronage. The whole machinery will be in his hands, and $300,000,000 of irredeemable paper may be issued at his bidding. This political scheming has evidently been well advanced; but what has the Treasury gained? Instead of six hundred million dollars of greenbacks, legal tenders issued direct from the Treasury, we have some three hundred million dollars of greenback shadows, issued by three thousand banks, not a legal tender, but redeemable in greenbacks. There will

dyke draws interest on his own stock, for his own use, in gold from the Treasury. He receives, in pay for his ar my contract, greenbacks that are at a discount of 36 per cent. to day, for gold, and pays to the farmer national notes that are at a discount of 2 per cent. for greenbacks. The diluting scale runs down as we approach the producer of wealth. This is what the people get. Now let us see what the Treasury gets. In order to issue notes the banker must deposit United States stock, and he does so and receives 90 per cent. of the market value in circulation notes. If he deposits 6's of 1881, he gets for each one thousand dollar bond one thousand dollars in notes to circulate, and he also draws $60 per annum interest in gold, on his bond deposited. This is equal to 9 1-4 per cent. per annum in paper, and he lends his circulating notes at 7 per cent., making 16 1-4 per cent. per annum, which the producer must pay.

The Treasury, on an issue of three hundred million of dollars, now authorized, will have to pay eighteen million of dollars per annum interest, in gold, to Mr. Chase's pet banks, for the privilege of issuing the notes redeemable in greenbacks, instead of issuing the greenbacks themselves. Why should the country pay eighteen millions of dollars in gold per annum to issue paper, which may be done without any expense at all but the printing? The whole operation is a barefaced rob. bery of the public, to build up a political scaffolding for Mr. Chase's individual aggrandizement.

The pestilent issues should be scouted from every neighborhood; each State should make it a misdemeanor to attempt to pass one of the notes. Every farmer, working man, mechanic, should demand pay in gold, Constitu tional coin, for what he has to sell,

whether labor or produce. There are now twenty million dollars in gold lying idle in Wall street, while Mr. Chase is organizing banks to supply a currency. In Canada, on the occasion of every bargain, it is stipulated that part pay shall be taken in United States coin, and yet here the people are compelled to strike for more pay, because they get nothing but Mr. Chase's fraudulent promises, and he is putting out millions more of even less value. Let there be one universal strike among all people, and that simply the demand to be paid in gold and silver. It is the only way to save the Government, which is jeopardized by the infamous schemers who have brought on this war, and who seek through paper money to destroy, not only the Union, but what remains of popular rights, even the right to live by labor.

TO-DAY AND TO-MORROW.

TRANSLATED FROM THE NINTH ODE OF THE LOOK OF OVID.

Seek not to know to-morrow's doom;
That is not ours which is to come.

The present moment's all our store;

The next, should heaven allow,

Than this will be no more :

So all our lives is but one instant no.

Look on the day you've past

To be a mighty treasure won:

And lay each moment out in haste;

We're sure to lie too fast,

And cannot live too soon.

THE GREAT DEMOCRATIC ARMY OF THE NORTH, TWO MILLIONS AND A HALF STRONG.

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Grand Total................

But this table does not show the entire strength of the Democratic party. In many of the States nothing like a full vote of the party was polled at the late elections, because thousands, who have never acquiesced in the policy of giving any support whatever to the Abolition war, refused to vote at all, and will never vote again until a policy which sacrifices principle is abandoned. But the late message and proclamation of the President so plain ly announce the programme of dis. union and State annihilation, for the sake of abolishing slavery, that no man can hereafter support the war who

Oregon. Kansas..

Last Democratic vote...... ..1,498,000

2,005,000

The above is the probable present strength of the opposition to the Republican programme of State annihilation, and war for the negroes, as announced in the President's last message and proclamation, without counting the vote of the Border States of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky. and Missouri. The total vote of these States at the last Presidential election was,

in round numbers, 469,000, of which Lincoln had only 23,000, leaving a majority of four hundred and forty-six thousand against him. Now, although three quarters of the citizens of these States are kept from voting by Lincoln's bayonets, they are net kept from thinking, hating, and cherishing an all-abcorbing wish to revenge their wrongs. Whenever a conflict begins in the North between the friends of white supremacy and the advocates of negroequality, all these, who are living, must be arrayed against the Abolitionists. To be within the mark, let us add, from these border States, three hundred thousand to the Democratic army of the North, which will make the total of the great anti-negro equal ity force almost two millions and a half. This, or about this, will be the army which the Abolitionists will find both in their front and rear, whenever they push their negro-freeing despotism so far that it can be no longer endured. The people do not yet realize that this war is for the negro, and not for the Union. A great majority of even Democratic newspapers have treated the war as though it were for the white race and for the Union. The Presi

dent's last message and Proclamation leave them no longer an excuse for deluding the people as to the objects of the war. At the next voting the issue will be square and sharp between negro-equality and negro-subordination. But it will be said, if we are only allowed to vote! Is that a question? Do two millions and a half of white men ask one-third that number of negroequalizing sneaks whether they shall be allowed to vote? Why, whenever the Democratic army so please, the whole godless band of negro-equalizers will be scattered like chaff before a whirlwind! Now that the fraud of "the war for the Union" is ended-now that the President himself throws off the disguise of patriotism, which covered his treason heretofore-we shall sce that the muster of the army of white liberation will begin. Two millions and a half strong! Courage, freemen! Courage, friends of the Union of the whole Union! The signs are that the great Democratic party is about to cease playing the part of tail to Mr. Lincoln's Abolition kite. Then, pretty soon, there will be an end of Mr. Lincoln and his kite.

EPIGRAMIC HISTORY OF THE UNION.

This shall we read in our historic rageFreedom was vital-struck by party rage; Lincoln the fever watched, the knife supplied,

And drove the nation to its suicide.

Amidst the groans sunk every liberal art,

That polish life, or humanize the heart;

Then fell the States, crushed by the bigot's hand, And truth and freedom perished from the land.

THE INFAMOUS MESSAGE AND PROCLAMATION.

Ir is not much that we shall say about Mr. Lincoln's message, and the thing he calls an amnesty." It is not deserving of a respectful notice from any man who respects himself, and loves his country. His terms of "amnesty" are such as no man of honor can accept, and as none but a demagogue and knave would offer. The oath he prescribes not only requires every southern man to swear that he will faithfully support all the emancipation proclamations, passed and to come, but he shall devote to death, to the Abolition gibbet, all his leaders, all his companions in arms, above the rank of captain. If there is one man in the South who would not sooner die than accept such terms, he is fit only for the companionship of the basest of

men.

And if there is a human being in the North who can restrain his contempt for the wretch who deliberately insults a whole people with an offer of such degrading terms, in the name of an" amnesty," he, too, is an abettor of assassination and theft. There ought to be an indignation meeting in every city and village of the North, to wipe out the foul stain, which is neither more nor less than the offer of a premium upon assassination. It simply says to the people of the South, you consent to let your negroes run, to give up all your property, and turn States' evidence against your companions and friends, and come over and join us Abolitionists, and help us murder and rob your neighbors, then you shall have our gracious pardon. That is Mr. Lincoln's "amnesty." Such

amnesty as the hawk offers to the dove, the wolf to the lamb, the highway man to his victim. This message and proclamation ends all chance of controversy about the designs of the Administration in the prosecution of the war. It proves what far-sceing men have said from the beginning, that it is a war for the negro, with disunion for its inevitable result. It shuts the door and bolts it against the return of the southern States to the fold of the Union. It says to them, you shall never, never, never come back, except as paupers, or the pensioned assassins of your companions and neighbors. Thank God this message and proclamation drops all disguises. The cloven foot, long sneakingly hid under the stolen robes of patriotism, is herc, at last, thrust boldly out into the very face and eyes of that non-descript style of politicians called the "War Democracy," with this hieroglyphic pronuncramento blazing at them. No more dodg ing and fault-finding about the manner of conducting the war. If you are for it at all, you must be for it not to restore the Union as it was, but to abolish slavery. There is no war for the restoration of the Union, and you must take the war for its objects, or reject it for its objects. All this is impudent, but honest.

Though Mr. Lincoln meant it not for honesty. From the depths of his shallowness he imagined that he was playing the cunningest trick of all the games of charlitanery that have distinguished his Administration. He has adopted a theory implying an immense confidence in the gullibility of

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