that vote to give despots money to aid them in this business? Who are they that even consent to share the gains of marauding outlaws? What will be their end? "Clootz, the orator of the human race, and the enemy of Jesus Christ, died as he had lived." This is the whole volume of the history of the demagogucic vagabonds who have, for the hour, succeeded in breathing the pestilent breath of their own life into the nostrils of the people. They have made a day of blood. But the day cometh that shall burn as an oven, in which they and their work shall be

consumed. The people of France at last turned upon those who had used them as the tools of carnage, and rolled their guilty heads under the guillotine. When reason returned to the deluded Grecians, they killed the mischievous demagogues who had induced them to banish or murder the wise men and patriots of the land. That is the way history runs. Wait! wait, worshippers of the Legro race, enemies and murderers of white men ! Justice slumbers; it is ne dead. Vengeance crouches in the paths of the assassins of liberty. Sdden at last, and deadly, will be its pring.

C. CHAUNCEY BURR

ALTHOUGH Some little time has elapsed since the publication of this remarkable book, it has never been noticed by any northern press. The reason is, we suppose, that it hurls back with interest the blows which the North has been dealing at the South for a third of a century.

As a poem, we have not much to say about it, from the fact that it is itself

unpretending in that respect. It is written in an easy and correct Iambic measure, and is certainly respectable as a poem, if it were nothing else. But it is much else-it is a very thorough, intense, fiery kind of book, which wields logic, history, law, and hard fact, like a sledge-hammer in the hands of a giant. We have had plenty of northern books against the South; their name is legion-but not often any southern book against the North; but here we have a right bold one, and one which will puzzle the Abolitionists to answer. The grand argument is, that the state of the hireling and "slave" are essentially the same, that vrages "slavery," which leaves the largest share of workers wallowing in want and starvation, is, if anything, more brutalizing, and vice-begetting, than chattel "slavery."

"How small the choice, from cradle to the grave,

Between the lot of hireling, help, or slave! To each alike applies the stern decree

THE HIRELING AND THE SLAVE. By William J. Grayson, S. C. McMaster & Co., Publishers.

That man shall 1 abor, whether bond or free;

For all that toil the recompense we claim, Food, fire, a home and clothing-is the same."

Alas! it is too true that "food, fire, a home and clothing," in competent abundance, are wages which are scarcely ever paid to the workers of the world. Within ten minutes' walk from where we are now writ

ing, in the heart of New York, are many thousands of men, women, and children, to whom chattel servitude. would be an incalculable blessing, so far as the needs of life are concerned. Here they are shivering in pitiless want, poorly fed, poorly clad, and lodged, in dens of filth and wretchedness, which no imagination can describe, while the "slaves" of the South are sitting happy before their bright fires, living, as a general thing, upon the same food their masters use, and making the whole land ring again with their jubilant songs and dances. This is no fancy sketch. We have seen the situation of the poor workers in both conditions, and, so far as

happiness, peace and plenty may go

to compensate for toil, we cannot hesifar better protected from the hazards tate to say that the southern negro is of want than the northern day-laborer. A comparison between the condition of our "slaves" and the workers of Europe, would be immensely in favor of the "slaves." Even the manumitted serfs of the old world will find it hard work to discover what they have

For rules of right the silly crowd may bawl, His loftier spirit scorns and spurns them all ; He heeds nor Courts decree, nor Gospel light, What Sumner thinks is right, alone is right.

SEWARD.

There Seward smiles the sweet perenial smile,
Skilled in the tricks of subtlety and guile ;
The siyest schemer that the world e'er saw,
Peddler of sentiment and patent law;
Ready for fee or faction to display
His skill in either, if the parties pay.

These portraits are all excellently drawn. If some northern poetaster had written half so good a book on

the Abolition side of the question, he would have been lauded as a second Milton-the crowd would run after him as they do after that hyena in woman's clothes, Anna Dickinson. But as it is, the author has not, we believe, been once named by a northern newspaper. We do not even know whe ther he is living-so rapid and general are death's doings in these days of triumphant republicanism.

After the return of Gen. McClellan from his campaign on the Peninsula, a leading Republican journalist jeering ly advised him to study Napoleon's campaign in Russia, if he would learn how to fight. We now call upon Mr. Lincoln and his deluded supporters to do the same, and let us see what comfort they can glean from it to support them in their business of subjugating the southern people.

Napoleon invaded Russia with an army of 600,000 men. To oppose this enormous force the Russians had not over 250,000 in all. At first the Russians flew everywhere before the overwhelming numbers of the French. The first real stand made by the Russians was at Smolensko, where there was a force of 30,000 men garrisoned under General Barclay. Napoleon attacked this division of the Russian army with 70,000, and a reserve of 80,000 in hand ready to support them,

giving him an available force of 150,against 30,000 Russians. After a terrible battle, in which 10,000 French and 600 Russians were killed and wounded, Napoleon was repulsed. It was a lesson he never forgot, of the desperation of men fighting for their hearths and homes.

To show the spirit and determination of of the Russian army, we may mention the fact that when a rumor reached the soldiers that the Emperor was about to treat with Napoleon for a peace, they sent Sir Robert Wilson to St. Petersburg with a message to the Emperor that, "If any order came to suspend hostilities and treat the invaders as friends, it would be treated as one which did not express his majesty's real wishes, but had been extracted from his majesty under false representation, and that the army would continue fighting until the invaders were driven beyond the frontier."

To this extraordinary message from his army, the Emperor Alexander replied: "You shall carry back to the army pledges of my determination to continue the war against Napoleon whilst a Frenchman is in arms on this side of the frontier. I will abide the worst. I am ready to remove my family into the interior, and undergo any sacrifice."

Napoleon entered Russia with his army on the 24th of June, 1812, and before the terrible battle of Borodino was fought on the 7th of September, a little more than two months, he had lost 160,000 men. At this battle the Russians had 115,000, and the French 127,000, who fought from six o'clock in the morning until sunset, with a desperation that the world had never witnessed. The storm of battle ebbed and flowed with unceasing fury for twelve hours, and at its close 80,000 killed and wounded men were stretched upon that field of blood, divided in about equal proportions between the two sides.

It was a few days after this battle that Napoleon entered Moscow, and found nothing but the empty shell of the Capitol, the inhabitants having all accompanied their army. They said, "it is not to save a city that we are fight ing, but to preserve the Russian Empire." We have not the space to pursue further Napoleon's disastrous campaign in Russia. Enough that in six months his army was totally destroyed. It had been reduced to 50,000 men before the cold weather set in, so that it was not the inclement Russian climate that destroyed it, as is commonly asserted. It was the inclement Russian bullets and mad resistance of a people determined never to surren

der, but in death, that destroyed the overwhelming forces of Napoleon. It is a short but terrible history. He invaded Russia with an army of 600,000. He left Whitepsk with only 180,000. He abandoned Moscow with 100,000; and could only muster at Dorogobonge, before the deadly cold set in, 50,000.

This is, in brief, the history which the Abolitionists wanted Gen. McClel lan to study, that it might "prick him on into the heart of the enemy's country." After Napoleon's return from his Russian campaign, he declared that there is no nation so small that it can be conquered if the people are united in love of their country, and in a determi nation never to submit. That is the lesson which Napoleon's campaign in the "interior" of Russia taught him. Three years of war of pushing on into the interior of the South, have taught all who are not raving mad with the negro mania the same great lesson in this country. We know that a majo rity of the military generals of our army are deeply and profoundly impressed with the truth that so long as the southern people cling with their present united and universal pertinacity to the determination of resisting to the death the Abolition despotism, there is no hope for the Union. It is plain that the sword, which is used only for the subjugation of the southern people, and for the destruction of their institutions, is destined to an ignominious failure. How has it failed for three years? Mr. Lincoln has called a million and a half of men to arms to enforce the decrees of the Abolitionists; the way he is going on more than two millions will have been called by the end of the present year,