we may achieve happiness for ourselves or others. The moral law comes out of the infinite depths and heights. There is a voice that speaks in us out of the ultimate reality of things. It is not subject to us, but we are subject to it and we must bend our pride.

Dr. Stanton Coit of London, another leader of the same school, declares:

The whole of the moral law is by no means contained under the conception of love to one's neighbor. . . . If Christ meant Righteousness, when he spoke of "the Lord thy God," if he meant Righteousness worshiped as the sovereign reality of life, we must assent to his declaration that the first and great commandment is "Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart and with all thy soul and with all thy mind."

All this means that religion is, after all, the principal thing; that a mere readjustment of ethical formularies is not enough; that a deeper note than this must be struck if we hope to restore the lost harmony to the human soul and the social order. There must be something to worship,

this quarter in resisting the encroachments of the dominant materialism, and in bringing the people back to the ways of sanity and integrity.

One phase of this revival of religion is significant. Its main concern is less for individual than for social well-being. The two cannot well be separated, and doubtless those who are earnestly promoting it have a consciousness of their own personal need of deliverance from the engrossing mammonism. But the emphasis rests on the common danger, and the salvation sought is primarily a social salvation. The notion seems to be gaining that the moral health of the individual cannot well be preserved in a fetid social atmosphere. Heretofore there has been much protest against any close contact of religion with business or with politics. Now it seems to be assumed that nothing but religion can renovate brutalized business and corrupt politics. It is a great enlargement of the popular conception of religion, and ought to gain for it some new consideration.

THE CALL OF THE WORLD TO PEACE

marshals our highest loyalties. Nothing less than this will meet the social need of the time, which is a call for a radicalchange in ruling ideas, for a mighty reconstruction of ideals, for new conceptions of the meaning and value of life.

The call is heard, as we have already said, in many unexpected quarters. A daily newspaper, published in Wall Street, declares that there is nothing the country needs just now so much as a revival of old-fashioned religion. A daily paper, published in the interior, has taken every morning for a week the subjects of its leading editorial from the phrases of Paul's praise of love as the greatest thing in the world.

The last Christmas number of a Western daily journal had a brilliant editorial three columns long upon "The Holy Spirit," written by one of the strong journalists of America, and full of the passion of a genuine religious faith. These are signs of the times. Men are thinking seriously and feeling deeply on these great themes of the inner life. Even those who have not philosophized much about it have the impression that help must come from

E the special attention of our readers

WE

in this number of THE CENTURY on the resources of Germany in case of war: first, for its significance as setting forth what can be accomplished through a vast system of discipline, and, secondly, because it betrays the inherent weakness as well as the apparent strength of the great empire. For the cost of its immense military establishment, to say nothing of its navy, constitutes an enormous and increasing burden upon the German people, who are thus paying a tremendous price for pride and prestige. It may well be that the realization of this increasing economic peril is at the basis of the well-known intention of the new German Premier to concentrate the attention of his country upon the urgent problems of internal policy. It is only a question of time when the system must give way before a more courageous idealism and the economic necessities of the day in which we live.

་

But what shall be said of our own fatuity in entering the race for preeminence in the resources of warfare? Representative Tawney in a masterly presentation of the

subject to Congress has recently stated that, in proportion to the size of our army and navy, we are spending on armaments one hundred per cent. more than any other nation, and this at a time when seventytwo per cent. of all our national expenditures is on account of past or prospective wars! The increase in the appropriations for the army during the last eight fiscal years, including the year 1910, was about $483,000,000 over the appropriations for the eight years prior to the Spanish-American War, or about $150,000,000 more than is necessary to build the Panama Canal, while the increase in the appropriation for the navy during the same years was about $600,000,000 in round numbers, or more than the total expenditures of our Government for all purposes in any one year of our history prior to 1898, except during the Civil War.

These are appalling facts, and should give pause to the craze for war-ships, which are all the more wasteful because within a few years after they are built they become as antiquated as the fashions of year before last. A tithe of our annual expenditure in this direction employed in the furtherance of treaties of arbitration, of international lectureships, in the exchange of visits by legislatures and Chambers of Commerce, such as those which have taken place between London and Paris,—and in other projects of comity, would go far to remove the causes of discord between nations, which are so easily

fanned into the flame of war by the sordid, the quarrelsome, or the sensational.

As a contrast, let us see what has been accomplished by the great movement for peace and arbitration, which has enlisted, in so large part, the enlightened conscience of the world:

1. More than 250 controversies were settled by arbitration during the last hundred years, at least sixty of these since the present century opened. In all cases the settlements were final.

2. Two Hague Conferences have been held, in 1899 and 1907, the latter representing all the world. The result of these conferences has been:

a. The setting up of the Permanent In-
ternational Court of Arbitration,
now extended to all the nations.
b. The prohibition of the bombardment

of unfortified coast ports, cities, towns, etc.

c. The rendering inviolable of terri-
tory of neutrals.

d. Prohibition of throwing projectiles.
or explosives from balloons, etc.
e. The agreement to hold regular meet-
ings of the Hague Conference here-
after, or, in other words, the foun-
dation of a Permanent International
Congress or Parliament.

f. The adoption of the principle of a
Permanent International Court of
Justice, with judges always in ser-
vice.

g. The creation of a Prize Court of Appeal, which Secretary Knox is now trying to have converted into a court of arbitral justice.

h. The approval of the principle of a general treaty of obligatory arbitration by seven eighths of the members of the Second Hague Conference.

3. More than ninety treaties of obligatory arbitration have been concluded between the

nations, two and two, since 1903, providing

for the reference of certain important classes of disputes to the Hague Court.

4. There has been an enormous development in public sentiment throughout the civilized world in favor of the great measures which have been before the Hague Conferences and which are now so far advanced towards completion.

5. There has been a rapidly growing opposition to the further increase of armaments, especially on the sea.

Add to this the ever-increasing union of the world materially, socially, and morally through travel, commerce, scientific and educational coöperation, etc., and the conditions for further practical work in the substitution of arbitration for war are most promising.

A BLOW TO THE BOYCOTT. T was inevitable in a country like ours,

66

is still vital, that the boycott by violence. should ultimately break of its own weight and that its legal abolition should follow; but it would have been a rash prophet who should have predicted that this would be promoted by the Sherman Anti-Trust law.

Yet it is this statute, rather than the remedies of common law, which has been invoked to abolish an intolerable state of commercial anarchy. This act provided that forcible interference with interstate traffic in any article of commerce shall be subject to damages against those so interfering to an amount equal to three times the loss incurred. The illegality of boycotting had been declared by many decisions in England and America, but now the principle has been applied through an additional and most effective remedy. The verdict of large damages against the individual members of the union which carried on the boycott of the Danbury hat-makers in 1902-3, carries with it a new defense not only of every employer engaged in interstate commerce, but also of the laborer himself-and not only the laborer willing to work when others are not, but, in the long run, of the very man who has been most determined in the use of the boycott. For "a good principle works well in all directions," and in every advance along the path of justice there is a victory of the vanquished.

The legitimate aspirations of tradeunions are entitled to sympathy and respect. Their right to combine peaceably for the improvement of the conditions of laborers or for the advance of their wages is no longer denied, and where they have stimulated the self-respect and dignity of the workingman, making him scorn to be regarded as an object of pity or charity, and where they have exposed shameful selfishness in grinding employers, they are to be heartily commended. There is already among their members marked restiveness under certain unfortunate leader

ship which has failed to discountenance violence and has not hesitated to defy the courts, thus alienating a body of philanthropic public opinion which has sympathized with all movements to improve the condition of the laboring man. Some of the unions, such as the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, have been well and wisely led, and the time would seem to be ripe for a national leader of courage and ability who shall turn the forces of organized labor into more conservative channels, and, particularly, shall preach the longforgotten and much-needed gospel of good work.

A MEMORIAL TO MR. GILDER

OF

F the three phases of Mr. Gilder's public activity-as a man of letters, as a philanthropist, and as a worker for better ideals in civic life-the last is the first to be honored and perpetuated by a memorial. A fund of $100,000 is being raised to be known as "The Richard Watson Gilder Fund for the Promotion of Good Citizenship," to be intrusted to Columbia University for the support of several fellowships for the pursuit of the political and social sciences and for practical civic work. The announcement of this project followed a meeting held in Mr. Gilder's memory at Mendelssohn Hall, New York, February 20, at which Governor Charles E. Hughes presided, the other speakers being Messrs. Hamilton W. Mabie, Jacob A. Riis, Talcott Williams, and Nicholas Murray Butler, President of Columbia. The Treasurer of the fund is Mr. A. S. Frissell, 530 Fifth Avenue, New York.

L.W.C.

Rachel's Singing of the "Marseillaise" in America

IN N Mr. Charles de Kay's very interesting article, "Rachel in America," in THE CENTURY for November, occurs this statement in connection with her appearance in New York: "She refused absolutely to recite the.

'Marseillaise,' although in 1848, under the short republic, she had done so to gratify popular audiences at the Théâtre Français. A New York house, demanding the 'Marseillaise,' seven years later, little realized how completely out of date such a recitation -one could not call her performance a song -had become."

It would seem to be a fair inference from the above that she did not give the "Marseillaise" in America; but that conclusion would be erroneous. I certainly heard her deliver the famous battle-hymn in the Boston Theater during her brief engagement in the autumn of 1855. I have a very vivid recollection of it and of the enthusiasm it provoked. I have heard many of the leading ornaments of the stage in the last threescore years, but for fire and fine dramatic effect I have never heard Rachel's "Marseillaise" surpassed, perhaps not equaled. It was a peculiar, I may say unique, performance: it was neither a declamation nor a song, but a rhythmic recitative with orchestral accompaniment.

By reference to the newspaper-files of that time, I have found, in the Boston "Transcript" of Friday, November 2, 1855, an advertisement of her farewell appearance at the Boston Theater as Virginie, ending thus: To conclude with, by express desire LA MARSEILLAISE

By Mille Rachel.

A paragraph in the editorial columns next day runs:

There was a full and very brilliant house at the Boston Theater, Rachel achieved a new triumph. The "Marseillaise "' elicited the greatest enthusiasm. Rachel was called out four times after the performance and after a third call repeated the closing stanza.

On further search I found a confirmation of my impression that it was also given in New York. The "New York Tribune" of October 8, 1855, has an announcement of Rachel's appearance that night as Camille in Corneille's "Horace," closing with these words:

After which will be given, to comply with the desire of the public,

LA MARSEILLAISE
By M'lle Rachel.

And the "Tribune" of the ninth, under the heading of "Rachel in the Marseillaise," has nearly a column of superlative praise, including these passages:

No power of language can do justice to the enraptured adoration with which she pronounced, - "Liberté, Liberté, chérie." We can fancy the madness of passion which such an ode chanted by such a woman must have roused in the hearts of the Paris population in the days of revolution. It can scarcely be called a song. It is a scene of musical declamation in which the meaning is conveyed less by power of voice than by intensity of feeling and eloquence of gesture. Let us not for

get, but acknowledge with gratitude, that this scene was last night a homage paid to American feeling. With a keen perception of her own powers, M'lle Rachel declined to sing the Marseillaise; when however she was asked in the name of Lafayette . . . she could no longer

hesitate, and exhausted as she was after an arduous presentation, threw her whole soul into the song. BOSTON. I. D. Blodgett.

Jean-Louis-André-Théodore Géricault,

1791-1824

TIMOTHY COLE'S ENGRAVINGS OF FRENCH MASTERS (SEE PAGE 817)

GÉRICAULT was born in Rouen, and died in Paris. He was the pupil of Carle Vernet and Pierre Guérin. In 1812, when only twentyone years of age, he gained the gold medal for his spirited work, "Chasseur de la garde," now in the Louvre, and in 1817 he went to Italy. In August, 1819, he completed the celebrated picture of the "Raft of the Medusa," which competed for the Medal of Honor in the Salon of the following year. The critics, however, were severe upon the work, and it was classed eleventh on the list. The director of the royal museums was in favor of buying the picture for the government, but the administration would not agree, and it was only after the death of the artist, at the sale of his works, that the state acquired it for the sum of 6005 francs. It is now to be seen at the Louvre. [A smaller and less finished painting of the same subject is in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.-THE EDITOR.]

This picture is important from the fact that it is looked upon as marking a departure in painting from the prevailing classicism of the school of David. It is not a violent reaction, for we can yet see in it the antique forms of the David school, and not the emaciation one would look for, in these days of realism, in a starving crew. It is rather a break with the austere nobility of the classic school and an endeavor to come nearer home in the delineation of an actual event, wherein the warmth and play of human passion may be seen in its fluctuation from despair, as seen in the group in the foreground, to hope, as depicted in the group rushing together to sight the distant sail upon the hori

zon.

In 1816, two years before the painting of the picture, the frigate Méduse, while on her way to Sénégal, a French colony in Africa, was wrecked. The boats were not sufficient for all on board, and a raft was improvised, to which fifty-nine betook themselves. They floated about in mid-ocean for twelve days, and were finally sighted by the Argus, but not until the number had been reduced to fifteen. The painter has represented himself as one of the dead-the furthermost figure to the left of the group in the foreground, with the face upturned. It is a very large canvas, with the figures as large as life, and is painted in a somber tone. T. Cole.