their condescension. In the Southern States a 120 DEAR SIR, TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Philadelphia, August 12, 1783. Our late belief of the arrival of the definitive treaty at New York has become utterly extinct. From the tenor of the newspapers the delay seems to be the effect of discussions with the Dutch. The enclosed letter from our friend Hawkins provides for the article of Russian intelligence. I understand, from Mr. Mercer, who is here on business as well as myself, that Mr. Dana's despatches were, in part, undecyphered when Mr. Hawkins' transcript was made. The Legislature of Massachusetts have sent a memorial to Congress, wearing a very unpropitious aspect on the grant of half-pay to the army, and in other respects breathing a penurious spirit, which, if indulged, will be fatal to every establishment that requires expense. They profess great poverty, and have declined any decision on the revenue propositions of Congress. Rhode Island did not even bestow a consideration on them. Mr. Howell, from the latter State, after being informed of the course of Virginia, said that her backwardness very much emboldened the States that were disinclined to a general revenue. Congress have voted General Washington an elegant bronze statue. He has been invited to Princeton, as well to relieve him from the tedium which he suffers on the North River, as to make use of his counsel in digesting a peace establishment. FROM MR. HAWKINS TO MR. MADISON. Princeton, August 9, 1783. DEAR SIR, We have letters from Mr. Dana up to the fourteenth of April, O. S. He has communicated his mission to the Vice-Chancellor, Count Osterman, and instead of being received, after a second communication, as he expected, he upon invitation visited the Count, who made a verbal communication, in substance as follows: First. That Her Majesty could not, consistently with the character of a mediator, receive a Minister from the United States till the conclusion of the definitive treaty between France, Spain, and Great Britain. Secondly. That she could not even then do it, consistently with the laws of neutrality, while his letter of credence bore date prior to the acknowledgment of their independence by the King of Great Britain. Thirdly. That she could not do it regularly, while his letters of credence bore date before she herself had acknowledged their independence. Fourthly. That she could not do it consistently, before a Minister had been received from the United States in Great Britain.11 BENJAMIN HAWKINS. TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Philadelphia, August 18, 1783. DEAR SIR, On Thursday, a question for returning to Philadelphia was put, and decided in the negative by a large majority. The friends of the measure, foreseeing its fate, and supposing that a negative declaration could answer no good purpose, and might an ill one, withdrew it. The more moderate opponents concurred in the inexpediency of proclaiming, unnecessarily, an aversion in Congress to Philadelphia. But some of this class were so keen in their hostility, that a motion was made by two of them to return, who, on the question, voted against their own motion. The public will not, I believe, fix on this proceeding as one of the brightest pages of the Journals. The abuses to which such an artifice may be extended are palpable. The merit of it in this application belongs to Mr. Howell, of Rhode Island, and Mr. Read, of South Carolina. The motion was first made by Mr. Read, but in the course of the transaction devolved on Mr. Howell. I know of none that will read with pleasure this affair, unless it be the Executive of Pennsylvania, and those who wish to refer the removal of Congress to other motives than the national dignity and welfare. Congress have letters from Mr. Laurens, of the seventeenth of June, but they decide nothing as to the definitive treaty. We have no reason, however, to impute the delay to any cause which renders the event suspicious. It is said that the British councils grow more and more wary on the subject of a commercial treaty with the United States, and that the spirit of the navigation act is likely to prevail over a more liberal system. South Carolina, we learn, has agreed to the impost, on condition only that the revenue be collected by her own officers, and be credited to her own quota. It is supposed that she will agree to exchange the valuation of land for the proposed rule of numbers. But on this point Rhode Island was more inflexible than on that of the impost. I pity, from my heart, the officers of the Eastern line, who are threatened by these prospects with disappointments which the Southern officers have no idea of From much conversation which I have lately had with some of the former, and from other information, there appears great reason to believe, that, if no > continental provision be made for them, they will not only be docked of their half-pay, but will run great hazard of being put off with regard to a great share of their other pay, on the pretence of their States that they have already advanced beyond their proportion.122 DEAR SIR, TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Philadelphia. August 24, 1783. All that I have now to tell you is, that Sir Guy Carleton has notified to Congress his having received orders for the evacuation of New York, but he specifies no time fixed, either by the orders or by his own plans. He repeats his lamentations touching the Loyalists, and insinuates that the proceedings of the people against them are a proof that little or no government exists in the United States. DEAR SIR, TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. Princeton, August 30, 1783. We have nothing from Europe that can be depended on, relative to the definitive treaty, nor any |