was a resolution directing the Secretary of Foreign Affairs to acquaint you, that it was the pleasure of Congress, considering the present situation of things, that you should suspend your voyage until their further instruction. This resolution will, I suppose, be forwarded by the post which conveys this. I do not undertake to give any advice as to the steps which may now be proper for you, but I indulge with much pleasure the hope that a return to this place, for the present, may be the result of your own deliberations.

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, February 18, 1783.

I am glad to find, by your favor of the seventh instant, that the necessity of a re-adoption of the impost presses so strongly on your mind. To give it a fair experiment with the ensuing Assembly, it will be indispensable that you should be its advocate on the floor. Those who effected its repeal will never, inactively, suffer it to be reinstated in our code. Mercer, from what motive God knows, says that he will crawl to Richmond on his bare knees to prevent it. Having already changed his opinion on the subject, he fears, perhaps, the charge of unsteadiness. Perhaps, too, his zeal against a general revenue may be cooled by the accomplishment in Congress of a plan for a valuation of land, on the ruins of which he, among others, suspected the former was to be established. This plan passed Congress yesterday. It proposes that the States shall return to Congress,

before January next, their respective quantities of land, the number of houses thereon, distinguishing dwelling-houses from others, and the number of inhabitants, distinguishing whites from blacks. These data are to be referred to a Grand Committee, by whom a report, in which nine voices must unite, is to be made to Congress; which report is to settle the proportions of each State, to be ratified or rejected by Congress without alteration. Who could have supposed that such a measure could ever have been the offspring of a zealous and scrupulous respect for the Confederation?

The residue of my extracts from Mr. Jefferson's remarks are, I am persuaded, less interesting to your present purposes than you infer from the specimen you have received. The labor of gratifying you, however, I can assure you, will bear no proportion to the pleasure of it, and you may shortly calculate on being furnished with it. I understand, from Mr. Jefferson, that he has materials for enlarging the whole plan. My expectation of getting from him, some day or other, a full copy, reduced my extract to parts of immediate use to me, or such as consisted of reflections, not of facts, which might not be obtained otherwise.

To the speech of the British King, of which I sent you a copy by the express, I now add, in the enclosed Gazette, a further token of approaching peace. It seems a little mysterious, nevertheless, that Mr. Secretary Townsend should speak of the preliminaries with the United States as signed, and those with France as to be signed. The former being only provisional, may in some measure explain it,

but in that case it would seem to be without real use.

In consequence of the prospect of peace, the departure of Mr. Jefferson has been suspended until the further orders of Congress. I had a letter from him yesterday, but he had not then been apprized of this resolution. He had seen the speech, and had, I doubt not, anticipated it. What course he will take during the suspense, I cannot say. My wish is that he may return to this place, where at least he will be able to pass away the time with less tedium.104

DEAR SIR,

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Philadelphia, February 18, 1783,

The last paper from New York, as the enclosed will show you, has brought us another token of the approach of peace. It is somewhat mysterious, nevertheless, that the preliminaries with America should be represented by Secretary Townsend as actually signed, and those with France as to be signed; as also that the signing of the latter would constitute a general peace. I have never been without my apprehensions that some tricks would be tried by the British Court, notwithstanding their exterior fairness of late; and these apprehensions have been rendered much more serious, by the tenor of some letters which you have seen, and particularly by the intimation of the Minister of France to Mr. Livingston. These considerations have made me peculiarly solicitous that your mission should be pursued, as long as a possibility remained of your sharing in the object of it.

DEAR SIR,

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH.

Philadelphia, February 25, 1783.

Congress are still engaged on the subject of providing adequate revenues for the public debt, particularly that due to the army. The recommendation of the impost will be renewed, with perhaps some little variation, to which will be superadded, probably, a duty on a few enumerated articles. Mr. Mercer, although he continues to be adverse to the measure, declares now that he will not carry his opposition out of Congress. Whether any other general revenues will be recommended is very uncertain. A poll-tax seems to be the only one sufficiently simple and equal for the purpose; and, besides other objections to which even that is liable, the Constitution of Maryland, which interdicts such a tax, is an insuperable bar. The plan talked of by some, for supplying the deficiency, is to call on the States to provide each its proportion of a permanent revenue within itself, and to appropriate it to the continental debt. The objections against this plan are, that, as the execution of it will depend on a unanimous and continued punctuality in the thirteen States, it is a precarious basis for public credit; that this precariousness will be increased by mutual jealousies among the States; that others may be sparing themselves exertions which they are submitting to; and that these jealousies will be still more increased by the mutual opinion which prevails, that they are comparatively in advance to the United States-an opinion which cannot be corrected without closing

the accounts between all of them and the United States, pre-requisites to which are, a valuation of the land, and a final discrimination of such parts of the separate expenditures of the States as ought to be transferred to the common mass, from such parts as ought, in justice, to fall on the particular States themselves. Some States, also, will contend, and it would seem neither against the principles of justice nor the spirit of the Confederation, for a retrospective abatement of their share of the past debt, according to their respective disabilities, from year to year, throughout the war. What will be the end of this complication of embarrassments, time only can disclose. But a greater embarrassment than any is still behind. The discontents and designs of the army are every day taking a more solemn form. It is now whispered, that they have not only resolved not to lay down their arms till justice shall be done them, but that, to prevent surprise, a public declaration will be made to that effect. It is added, and I fear with too much certainty, that the influence of General Washington is rapidly decreasing in the army, insomuch that it is even in contemplation to substitute some less scrupulous guardian of their

interests.

There are a variety of rumors concerning peace, but none of them of sufficient authority to be particularized. The speech of the King of Great Britain to his Parliament, and the letter to the Lord Mayor of London from Secretary Townsend, as it is stated, are the only respectable evidence yet received. There are also rumors on the adverse side, which have still less the complexion of authenticity.