West Florida, proposed in the separate article, be allowed to whatever power the said colony may be confirmed by a treaty of peace.

3. That it be declared to be the sense of Congress, that the preliminary articles between the United States and Great Britain are not to take effect until peace shall be actually signed between the Kings of France and Great Britain.*

Ordered that to-morrow be assigned for the consideration of the said letter.

WEDNESDAY, MARCH 19TH.

A letter was read from the Superintendent of Finance, enclosing letters from Dr. Franklin, accompanied with extracts from the Count de Vergennes relative to money affairs, the Superintendent thereupon declaring roundly that our credit was at an end, and that no further pecuniary aids were to be expected from Europe. Mr. RUTLEDGE denied these assertions, and expressed some indignation at them. Mr. BLAND said, that as the Superintendent was of this opinion it would be absurd for him to be Minister of Finance, and moved that the Committee on his motion for arranging the Department might be instructed to report without loss of time. This motion was negatived as censuring the Committee; but it was understood to be the sense of Congress that they should report."

*This was meant to guard against a construction that they were to take effect when peace should be agreed on by those powers, and the latter be ready to sign, although the former should be restrained until the other parties should be ready for signing.

The order of the day, viz: the letter from the Secretary of Foreign Affairs, was taken up.

Mr. WOLCOTT conceived it unnecessary to waste time on the subject, as he presumed Congress would never so far censure the Ministers who had obtained such terms for this country as to disavow their conduct.

Mr. CLARK was decided against communicating the separate article, which would be sacrificing meritorious Ministers, and would rather injure than relieve our national honor. He admitted that the separate article put an advantage into the hands of the enemy, but did not, on the whole, deem it of any great consequence. He thought Congress ought to go no further than to inform the Ministers that they were sorry for the necessity which had led them into the part they had taken, and to leave them to get rid of the embarrassment as to the separate article, in such way as they should judge best. This expedient would save Congress, and spare our Ministers, who might have been governed by reasons not known to Congress.

Mr. MERCER said, that, not meaning to give offence any where, he should speak his sentiments freely. He gave it as his clear and decided opinion, that the Ministers had insulted Congress by sending them assertions, without proof, as reasons for violating their instructions, and throwing themselves into the confidence of Great Britain. He observed that France, in order to make herself equal to the enemy, had been obliged to call for aid, and had drawn Spain, against her interest, into the war; that it was probable that she had entered into some specific

engagements for that purpose; that hence might be deduced the perplexity of her situation, of which advantage had been taken by Great Britain-an ádvantage in which our Ministers had concurred-for sowing jealousies between France and the United States, and of which further advantage would be taken to alienate the minds of the people of this country from their Ally, by presenting him as the obstacle to peace. The British Court, he said, having gained this point, may easily frustrate the negotiation, and renew the war against divided enemies. He approved of the conduct of the Count de Vergennes in promoting a treaty, under the first commission to Oswald, as preferring the substance to the shadow, and proceeding from a desire of peace. The conduct of our Ministers throughout, particularly in giving in writing every thing called for by the British Minister expressive of distrust of France, was a mixture of follies which had no example, was a tragedy to America, and a comedy to all the world beside. He felt inexpressible indignation at their meanly stooping, as it were, to lick the dust from the feet of a nation whose hands were still dyed with the blood of their fellow-citizens. He reprobated the chicane and low cunning which marked the Journals transmitted to Congress, and contrasted them with the honesty and good faith which became all nations, and particularly an infant republic. They proved that America had at once all the follies of youth and all the vices of old age; thinks it would be necessary to recall our Ministers; fears that France may be already acquainted with all the transactions of our Ministers, even with the separate

article, and may be only waiting the reception given to it by Congress, to see how far the hopes of cutting off the right arm of Great Britain, by supporting our Revolution, may have been well founded; and, in case of our basely disappointing her, may league with our enemy for our destruction, and for a division of the spoils. He was aware of the risks to which such a league would expose France, of finally losing her share, but supposed that the British Islands might be made hostages for her security. He said America was too prone to depreciate political merit, and to suspect where there was no danger; that the honor of the King of France was dear to him; that he never would betray or injure us, unless he should be provoked, and justified by treachery on our part. For the present he acquiesced in the proposition of the Secretary of Foreign Affairs; but, when the question should come to be put, he should be for a much more decisive resolution.

Mr. RUTLEDGE said, he hoped the character of our Ministers would not be affected, much less their recall produced, by declamations against them; and that facts would be ascertained and stated, before any decision should be passed; that the Count de Vergennes had expressly declared to our Ministers his desire that they might treat apart; alluded to, and animadverted upon, the instruction which submitted them to French councils; was of opinion that the separate article did not concern France, and therefore there was no necessity for communicating it to her; and that, as to Spain, she deserved nothing at our hands; she had treated us in a manner that forfeited all claim to our good offices or our confidence.

She had not, as had been supposed, entered into the present war, as an ally to our ally, for our support; but, as she herself had declared, as a principal, and on her own account. He said, he was for adhering religiously to the spirit and letter of the treaty with France; that our Ministers had done so, and, if recalled or censured for the part they had acted, he was sure no man of spirit would take their place. He concluded with moving that the letter from the Secretary of Foreign Affairs might be referred to a special committee, who might inquire into all the facts relative to the subject of it. Mr. HOLTEN seconded the motion.

Mr. WILLIAMSON was opposed to harsh treatment of the Ministers, who had shown great ability. He said they had not infringed the treaty, and, as they had received the concurrence of the Count de Vergennes for treating apart, they had not, in that respect, violated their instructions. He proposed that Congress should express to the Ministers their concern at the separate article, and leave them to get over the embarrassment as they should find best.

Mr. MERCER, in answer to Mr. RUTLEDGE, said that his language with respect to the Ministers was justified by their refusal to obey instructions; censured with great warmth the servile confidence of Mr. Jay, in particular, in the British Ministers. He said, the separate article was a reproach to our character; and that, if Congress would not themselves disclose it, he would disclose it to his constituents, who would disdain to be united with those who patronize such dishonorable proceedings. He was called to order by the President, who said that the