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"Now unbend, Mrs. Ermine, and send some plum-pudding for the Arctic sailors!"

On sending the pamphlet, he says: "It may not be very polite to send you my speech in favor of the Arctic expedition after you have expressed yourself so strongly against it, but then a man likes to be read by a woman; so pardon me, if there be anything which requires pardon. Pardon is so easily granted in America! Imagine yourself a Governor, and me one of the worst murderers, and your pardon will be ready!" (This was in 1858, not in our enlightened 1873, when we have Dix for our Governor. (To another lady who asked him for some literary information, he wrote: "The literary pack-horse of the nineteenth century has been searching for your facts all day, digging in a used-up memory-searching for and pulling over dusty folios. What can a pair of bright eyes want of these dull facts? However, Caliban will always pile logs at the bidding of Miranda. He is as faithful as Ferdinand, but he must not expect the smiles which are bestowed on Ferdinand!"

He was once asked by a lady for a few hints about a Louis Quinze dress; and it is a singular proof of his immense versatility, that he answered the light question with a learned treatise on powdered hair, and gave many valuable hints as to the colors which should be worn with it, winding up his note with: "I demand for my wages, to see you 'en Marquise,' and I am always yours, whether I am endusted or enbooked, or whether you are en-violeted, en-rosed, or en-pinked."

Once, on being asked to go and pay a visit in some circle rather given to "mutual admiration," he declined; on being asked why, he said: "I do not wish to be like Joseph in the Holy Family, the only one without a halo round my head."

He wound up one of his most serious letters from the South, after considering all the questions of her political position, with the playfulness: "Take me from this land, where the skies are so blue, and the negroes are so black."

He considered no subject as beneath him if, by illuminating it with his knowledge, he could make it useful, witty, or agreeable to his friends.

It was a serious sorrow to those many friends, when, yielding to the gravity of advancing years, and a certain deep melancholy (not always read aright) which formed an undertone to his richly gifted nature, he withdrew from general society. He had always preferred his happy home and its

gentle influences to all other places. It finally became all in all to him. At a delightful dinner given by one of his oldest, truest, and best friends-Mr. Ruggles-to the Bishop of Lichfield, about a year before the death of Lieber, he appeared, and talked with his accustomed grace and felicity; but on being rallied after dinner, on his neglect of that society which so assiduously sought him, he said touchingly: "All noble things are difficult; society is difficult after you get old; and you grow less noble!"

This phrase, "All noble things are difficult," was one of the mottoes in which he dedelighted. Mottoes and busts ornamented his house. He greatly admired Alexander Hamilton; named a son for him; and had his bust in his library. Many of the portraits of his favorite heroes, as William of Orange, Washington, Hampden and Pym, hung about the room. In the vestibule over his inner door, he placed: "Die Studirende Eule," the studying owl, imported from Berlin. He dated his notes from "The Owley," and declared that he bore himself strong resemblence in feature to that bird. "It has the advantage of looking wise, and being stupid," he was fond of saying.

On the ceiling of the vestibule he caused to be inscribed:

Patria Cara.
Carior Libertas.

Veritas Carissima.

Wherever his eyes looked, they fell on these noble and suggestive thoughts and images. Although his was no "mind of hearsays," he was not indifferent to the fact, that poor human nature must work hard to keep always up to the highest note. He was a man with an infinity of work in him, needing little sleep and little rest. The still hours of the night and the early morning found him at his books.

He was very fond of art. "What will become of the world when there is no Raphael!" he exclaimed. He loved and read poetry in all languages; was fond of flowers, perfumes, and little children. Most beautifully would he talk about Goethe and his universality; but how much higher was the morale of Francis Lieber than that of Goethe!

On what subject did he not talk well? And his voice, rich, deep-toned like an organ, gave new attraction to his wise and witty words.

Lieber was married in 1829, and led a domestic life of great beauty and devotion.

He left two sons, Captain Hamilton Lieber and Major Norman Lieber, both officers in the Army of the United States. He lived to taste one of the greatest blessings of declining years-to take his grandchildren on

his knees.

Fortunate in all great things, Lieber has been especially fortunate in his biographer. The Honorable M. Russell Thayer, of Philadelphia, whose discourse, delivered before the Historical Society of Philadelphia, on the "Life, Character, and Writings of Francis Lieber," has been freely drawn from in these hasty paragraphs, has written with masterly success a sketch of this great man, which should be republished, for the reading and use of all young men. Nor could his adopted country do a better thing for her schools and colleges than to present them all with his profound and learned treatises.

Lieber also deserves of his adopted country a statue. Well would this massive figure, so indicative of great strength; that head,

superbly intellectual, adorn the Park which is to be our Pantheon. He was fitted by nature for bronze or marble. He looked the great man he was.

Well may we hold up to the youth who come after us the incorruptible integrity and faithful industry of this her adopted son.

Living in times of great political and historical interest in various countries of the Old World, and while here, passing long periods of an observant life in different parts of the United States, he was enabled to look at our position in the family of nations with a certain perspective which few men could command; his advice was therefore of enormous value. Wisdom and experience were in his case added to the clairvoyance of genius. No man had ever greater aptitude for the study of political economy; and the young citizen of the future can do no better thing than to drink deeply of the wise and eloquent teachings of FRANCIS Lieber.

A DAY IN THE FRENCH ASSEMBLY.

THERE is something melodramatic in the French Assembly which is heightened by theatrical surroundings, for the Capitol is a theater of Louis the Fourteenth's construction. It is full of the traditions of the Grand Monarch and his brilliant court, and of 750 deputies now sitting as provisional rulers over the destinies of France. In this place, according to the ancient courtiers, the sun arose when the king appeared, and went down at his departure; here the powdered and bewigged old sovereign deigned to patronize Molière. The rough flirtation and intrigue in the nooks and corridors of the olden time have given place to the button-holing, gesticulation, and babel of the modern legislature; frills, fans, and flounces, small swords, ribbons, and buckles, have yielded to the more somber costumes of to-day.

two hours' length; and the appearance of some of the deputies in this box recalls the home souvenir of a boy speaking his piece at a school exhibition. The tribune is in front and below the President of the Assembly, in a position corresponding to that of the clerk's desk in the House of Representatives at Washington. To the Anglo-Saxon mind there is something unpleasantly theatrical in this pulpit of the speaker, but it is well adapted to French character. If deputies were recognized as having the floor in their seats, many of them would speak at once, and without having anything to say. As it is, a certain preparation and force of character are necessary to mount the tribune and encounter, in the most conspicuous place of the Chamber, the gibes of the opposition. The groans and laughter which salute the hesitating speaker are pitiless; and if one voice rises high enough out of the general confusion to be heard, it is to throw a disrespectful epithet, as if it were a dead cat or a foul egg. To the timid, the trials of this conspicuous box are something approaching Before him rises up, out of the place of to martyrdom. Thus, the privilege of getthe ancient orchestra, the tribune or pulpitting up in his seat to make a remark or two where France delivers all her legislative is denied to the deputy. He must mount speeches, whether they be of five minutes' or the tribune or hold his peace; or rather he

The parquette and first tier of boxes are devoted exclusively to the use of deputies, and constitute the floor of the Chamber. The stage is closed behind the first wings by a painting which serves as a background to the lofty seat of the President of the Assembly.

has not the official ear of the Chamber, for he cannot hold his peace. Some of the speakers ascend the stairway with the mien of Brutus; and one fancies, were they in toga and sandals, their harangue would be a close imitation of the old Roman manner. This disposition to act must render it difficult sometimes for the orator himself to distinguish the sham from the real in what he says; and when there is an unusual show of austerity and abnegation, the greater part is comedy.

In the tribune the speaker's back is turned to the President of the Assembly, whom he practically ignores. He speaks directly to the deputies, addressing them as Messieurs; and this way of speaking straight to the hearers, in a mercurial people like the French, incites to disturbance. It is a wise rule in the English and American legislatures for the speaker to address himself to the presiding officer only, and to refer to adversaries in the third person, and without calling the individual name, thus diminishing the chances of offensive personality. In the heat of angry discussion the Frenchman sometimes singles out his man and talks to him face to face, in a manner not far removed from that of a fishwoman of the Hall. Besides, in following this direct mode of address, he is led into extravagances which would be curbed somewhat under the restriction of the parliamentary forms of England and America. Thus, in speaking to a body of 750 men representing the people, he often unduly exalts himself with the idea that the ear of the nation is listening to his words through these 750 men; he no longer addresses an assembly of individuals, but gives rein to his patriotic sentiments and harangues the country at large with inflated periods and some rather wild talk; he speaks to France entire, and from France, as he grows warmer, he communicates his thoughts to Europe, then to the civilized world, and possibly in the end to the universe. This tendency, however, is held in check to a certain degree by the fear of ridicule. If the expansive orator soars too high and too long, a bullet, in the shape of one of those sharp words in which Frenchmen are such adepts, brings him floundering down to earth again. These men of the Chamber are saved from many a serious denouement through a keen sense of the ridiculous. In a word, the Gaul is born a blagueur, and when he laughs he is disarmed. Thus, at a critical moment in electoral reform, socalled, when all are devoured with political ambition and ready to resort to extreme

measures in the way of attack and reprisal, the following resolution is passed around the Chamber :

Article I. That all Frenchmen are, and are hereby declared, Presidents of the Republic.

Article II. That alone, the chief executive officer of the nation is, and shall remain, a private citizen.

This is offered as a solution of the pending difficulty, and, for the time, it brings hilarity and sequent calm to the perturbed spirits of Versailles. Mots are then in order. A man of the Left observes that the President of the Assembly holds himself remarkably well on the political tight-rope, considering that his balance-pole is nearly all on one side. ers quickly follow, and general good-humor is restored.

The President has a large bell with which he strives to keep order. A half-dozen tipstaffs in different parts of the Chamber endeavor to assist him by crying "silence" from time to time, but their cries are little heeded, for they have no authority to act. These subordinates are garbed in silver-embroidered coats, and wear decorative swords. Part of the time the President reads bills and puts questions, and none but those in his immediate vicinity hear him. Again, when the business or question is very interesting, there is a complete lull, showing how quiet the body can remain if it so desires. This lull is followed by a burst of feeling which has been dammed up in the few minutes of order-in loud laughter, groans, or shouts. Little restraint is exercised, and the Assembly is gregarious in its manifestations, the Right approving and the Left condemning, systematically or vice versa. The most frequent words of interruption are "très bien, très bien," or "asses, assez," mingled with laughs of derision and partisan plaudits. In the British Parliament and the American Congress it is understood that the adversary is to have some sort of fair play-that is, he is allowed to make his argument, and if reply is to be made, it is when he is done; here the reply is frequently a running accompani ment in addition to what follows. Much of the time the Assembly is like the New York Gold-room, the voices swelling into a steadily sustained roar.

In America, committees, and especially their chairmen, are selected by the Speaker of the House and the President of the Senate, and with some regard to fitness; in France, the committees are drawn by lot, and are called bureaus. Thus, a deputy who has spent

his life in the construction of railways may be appointed to look after the interests of public education; and another, whose life has been devoted to the latter, may be called to superintend the workings of the former. The drawing by lot in the making-up of these bureaus is conducted by the President of the Assembly, aided by the tip-staffs and other subordinates. When a vote is taken in the Chamber, green urns of classic shape are carried around by the tip-staffs, in which each deputy deposits his card, for or against, as the case may be.

There is a ministerial bench immediately in front of the tribune, where some of the members of the Cabinet are always to be found when the Assembly is in session. Each one, as in the British Parliament, advocates and defends the measures emanating from the branch of government over which he has charge. Furnishing nuts for the ministers to crack, is called interpellation. The defense of the general policy of the government is usually confided to the ablest speaker of the Cabinet; under Thiers it was Dufaure, under MacMahon it does not yet appear to have been definitely settled. In the American Congress there are usually two divisions, although at the present time there are three, consisting of Republicans, Democrats, and Liberals; in France there are no less than five;-the Right, Right Center, Left Center, Left, and Extreme Left, or Radical, often derisively called by its adversaries La Nouvelle Couche Sociale. One or two black-robed ecclesiastics occupy seats with the Right; for the Church, as a rule, sustains the idea of a monarchy in France. As there is no law to prevent the holding of two offices under the government at the same time, there are several generals and colonels in the Chamber, but they do not appear in uniform. A deputy may be elected. by a constituency that he has never seen; several prominent men are returned from departments where they do not live, and in case of great popularity the same representative is elected by several constituencies; when he makes a choice, then the others proceed to a new election.

A number of men in the Right Center and the Left Center are not possessed of political convictions, and their position enables them to go to one side or the other as they may feel inclined. They affirm that their action is determined by the question of maintaining order, but it is doubtless rather a question of personal interest. The men of the Right and the Left who boldly proclaim what they want. and struggle for it openly, hold them as ob

The men in

stacles in the way of progress.
question consider themselves as oil on
troubled waters.

The deportment of some of the deputies
appears rather light and trivial to American
eyes. They bring opera-glasses with them,
and while the body is in session they stand
up with their back to the presiding officer and
take a cool and lengthy survey of the galleries,
as spectators do in the orchestra stalls of the
French theaters. When the glass encounters
a pretty face among the women, it dwells
there an unseemly time, and turns away with
reluctance; occasionally, when it meets an
acquaintance among the sex of which the
possessor of the lorgnette is always an ardent
admirer, he exchanges salutations of a de-
monstrative character, resorting sometimes
to signs to make himself better understood.
In two instances I saw women endeavoring
to communicate from the galleries with their
friends on the floor, by speaking behind their
hands, and the men making gallant efforts to
respond in the same way, and looking as if
they were laying their hearts at the feet of
those who spoke to them. It is evident that
when one of these deputies undergoes the
trials of the tribune, there is a pair of
eyes somewhere in the gallery that dances
with joy at his triumph and weeps with
sympathy at his failure. In manifestations
between the sexes, from gallery to floor,
there seems to be no consciousness of any
infringement of the rules of decorum which
usually govern legislative bodies. A pictorial
journal has a caricature of this expansiveness
in the Assembly; a woman is leaning over
the gallery, with anxiety in her face and a
glass of sugared water in her hand.
"Mon
cher Anatole," says she, addressing a man in
the tribune, "for Heaven's sake do not begin
to speak before you have taken something."
On slight provocation there is expansion.
During the election for Vice-Presidents of the
Assembly, an honorary position hardly equiv-
alent in importance to the chairmanship of
an American congressional committee, one
deputy, hearing that his favorite candidate is
elected, rushes forward and kisses him several
times on both cheeks, which is unfortunate, as
it turns out when the votes are counted that
his candidate is defeated. Fancy the effect
if some one of his friends were to clasp Mr.
Blaine in his arms, with effusive osculation, on
hearing that Mr. B. had been elected Speaker
of the House. It is hardly a mild conjecture
to suppose, under such circumstances, that
one of those grim laconic members from the
far West, would move for the immediate ex-

pulsion of the man so offending, and a vote of sympathy for the victim in the person of the unfortunate Speaker.

Men of talent in the legislature of America possibly place as high an estimate on their ability as men do in the French Chamber, but they show it less; for with us when men act out the presumption of being superior to their neighbors, they dig their graves politically; hence a certain reserve is observed in our public men touching their own qualities, and in those of England it is still more pronounced. The repressive faculty in the Frenchman is not strong, and his views as to himself are soon ascertained. Occasionally a British member of Parliament is seen who is rated higher by his constituents than he is by himself, but this is rare in France. The calm repressive power of the Briton is now what France stands more in need of than anything else. To triumph in his success is a temptation the Frenchman cannot withstand. To be decorated with the Legion of Honor and not have the red ribbon in the button-hole of all his coats, to be shown in public as well as private, would grieve him sorely; an Englishman has the Order of the Bath, and there is no indication of it on his dress, although it is of more value, being rarely conferred save for distinguished service. To make brilliant, effective phrases on the floor of the Chamber or elsewhere, and then talk about them with friends and admirers, is one of the Gaul's pleasures. To keep the secret of one of his successful strokes to himself, is a trial to which he is not often equal. To possess a talent and be silent about it, is a hardship. Thus, in his successes, the colloquial expansion to which they give rise is the next thing cf importance to the successes themselves.

The central figure is not in the chair of the presiding officer, nor on the ministerial bench. It is Thiers in one of the seats of the Left Center, where he occasionally appears a careful observer of the proceedings. In the flesh, he is the shortest man in the Chamber, and in intellect, head and shoulders taller than the most gifted. The name of Little Giant would be still more appropriate to him than it was to Stephen A. Douglas, for he is shorter. He is rather burly than fat, for his shoulders are broad and he is thick through; he carries his head as erect as it is possible to do. Like most men with a big body and short legs, he has an iron constitution, that stands, even at his advanced age, any sudden and extraordinary demand made upon it; and this healthy organization evidently contributes to the unfailing good-nature which he exhibits.

Most of the time there is a smile twinkling behind the spectacles and turning up the corners of his large mouth; but there are two smiles, one for his opponents and another for his friends; the first has malice in it, and the second is good-nature itself. He is essentially Gallic in finesse and rapidity of thought. In reply, whether in the tribune or in hours of social relaxation, no man is quicker than he. Some of his countrymen show a tendency to talk without a purpose, but this is not one of his faults. He is an indefatigable worker, and whatever he undertakes he does thoroughly, be it negotiating treaties, speaking in the tribune, or writing history. He is He is a complete man, who finds time in the midst of his literary and political labors to hunt up rare objects in the way of books, pictures, and general bric-a-brac. Where his duties admit of it, he is regular and temperate in his habits, and is seldom if ever known to complain of illness or any incapacity for 'work. He is somewhat of a statesman of the Talleyrand school, where diplomacy and expediency exert too great an influence to admit of very high moral aims. Something of the bourgeois, too, adheres to him, and prevents the growth of moral grandeur, which, in the crisis through which he has passed, would appear to be the complement to a man of his genius and ster. ling qualities. In a word, he is not a Washington, although he has an ambition to imitate that great character; he is incapable of great personal sacrifice for the good of his country in the matter of material interests, and this is the most disagreeable blemish in the mar

Thus, in material affairs he is acquisitive and narrow, although rich and without children. When his hotel was burnt down under the Commune, the state, although not responsible for this act of the Communists, offered him a handsome sum for its reconstruction in a style superior to what it was before, and at a time when France was struggling to pay her indemnity to Prussia; and Thiers accepted the money without hesitation. This is in striking contrast to the acts of some of our public men: Washington declined his salary as commander-in-chief of the army; and Lincoln, when Congress proposed to double his salary as President, replied that he could not spend that which they had already given him. This unfortunate trait is ingrained in the character of Thiers, and he is now too old to change.

Thiers is gifted with rare penetration of men and things, joined to a natural prudence which has grown with age. The latter part of his presidency of the Republic furnishes

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