The above I recollect with great precision; but he said fifty more things, equally injudicious, which I do not think worth mentioning. It is evident that he begins to despair of getting the article of titles through the House of Representatives, and he has turned his eye to get it done solely by the Senate.

Having experienced relief, by the interference of sundry members, I had determined not to say another word, but his new leaf appeared so absurd, I could not help some animadversions on it.

The Constitution of the United States has designated our chief magistrate by the appellation of the President of the United States of America. This is his title of office, nor can we alter, add to, or diminish it, without infringing the Constitution. In like manner, persons authorized to transact business with foreign powers are styled embassadors, public ministers, &c. To give them any other appellation would be an equal infringement. As to grades of orders or titles of nobility, nothing of this kind can be established by Congress.

Can then the President and Senate do that which is prohibited to the United States at large? Certainly not. Let us read the Constitution: "No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States." The Constitution goes further. The servants of the public are prohibited from accepting them from any foreign State, king, or prince. So that the appellations and terms given to nobility in the Old World, are contraband language in the United States; nor can we apply them to our citizens, consistent with the constitution.

From the English,

As to what the common people, soldiers, and sailors of foreign countries may think of us, I do not think it imports us much. Perhaps the less they think, or have occasion to think of us, the better. But suppose this a desirable point, how is it to be gained? The English excepted, foreigners do not understand our language. We must use Hohen Mogende to a Dutchman; be . . to a Turk or Algerine; and so of the rest. indeed, we may borrow terms that would not be wholly unintelligible to our own citizens. But will they thank us for the compliment? Would not the plagiarism be more likely to be attended with contempt than respect among all of them. It has been admitted that all this is nonsense to the philosopher. I am ready to admit that every high-sounding, pompous appellation, descriptive of qualities which the object does not possess, must appear bombastic nonsense in the eye of every wise man. But I cannot admit such an idea with respect to government itself. Philosophers have admitted not only the utility but the necessity of it. Their labors have been directed to correct the views and expose the follies which have been

engrafted upon it, and to reduce the practice of it to the principles of common sense, such as we see exemplified by the merchant, the mechanic, and the farmer, whose every act or opinion tends to a productive or beneficial effect, and above all, to illustrate this fact, that Government was instituted for the benefit of the people, and that no act of Government is justifiable that has not this for its object. Such has been the labor of the philosophers with respect to Government, and sorry, indeed, would I be if their labors should be in vain.

After all this, he had to put the question, and the postponement was carried. I kept my word, and offered the resolution for a conference, &c. It was carried, and the committee appointed.

Ellsworth drew up a new resolution. It was to keep the difference out of sight, and to proceed, de novo, on a title for the Presi dent.

I did not care to enter into debate, but expressed my fear that the House of Representatives would be invited, and would not meet us on that ground. As if they meant to provoke the other House, they insisted that the minute of rejection should go down with the appointment of the committee. Little good can come of

it thus circumstanced, more especially as the old committee were reappointed.

From the Senate Journal, it appears that Mr. Lee, Mr. Ellsworth, and Mr. Johnson were the committee, and the instruction to the committee was as follows: "That they consider and report under what title it will be proper for the President of the United States in future to be addressed; and confer thereon with such committee as the House of Representatives may appoint for that purpose." It is further stated that the Secretary carried to the House of Representatives the "rejection of the report of the committee appointed to consider what style, &c., it will be proper to annex to the offices of President and Vice President; and the appointment of a committee on the part of the Senate to confer on a title under which it will be proper to address the President of the United States."

The committee of conference on the part of the House were Mr. Madison, Mr. Trumbull, Mr. Page, Mr. Benson, and Mr. Sherman. In his memorandum of May 10, Mr. Maclay complains of the delay of the impost bill, to the great loss of the revenue.

The President at the Theater.

I received a ticket from the President United States, to use his box this evening at the theater, being the first of his appearance at the play-house since his entering on his office. Went. The Presi

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dent, Governor of the State, Foreign Ministers, Senators from New Hampshire, Connecticut, Pennsylvania, Maryland, and South Carolina, and some ladies in the same box. I am old, and notices or attentions are lost on me. I could have wished some of my dear children in my place. They are young, and would have enjoyed it. Long might one of them live to boast of their having been seated in the same box with the first character in the world. The play was The School for Scandal. I never liked it. Indeed, I think it an indecent representation before ladies of character and virtue. Farce, The Old Soldier. The house greatly crowded, and I thought the players acted well; but I wish we had seen the Conscious Lovers, or some one that inculcated more prudential

manners.

12th May. Went early this morning to wait on Mr. Fitzsimmons. Was informed that Mr. Morris had called to see him this morning. Took no notice of this, but went in quest of Mr. Morris. Found him at the door, where he kept his office. Took a long walk with him, and gave him a detail of all that had happened in the Senate since he left it, as exactly as I could. He seemed to listen to me in a friendly way. Came to the House at eleven, Senate met, but there really was nothing happened worth mentioning. The business of considering the title which was laid on the table was postponed, to see what would be the result of the conference of the joint committee on that business. Adjourned. Went to hear the debates of the House of Representatives from the gallery. From there, went with Mr. Morris to the President's levee. Stayed until the company began to withdraw. Felt, I believe, a little awkward, for my knee pained me, and the business of standing was not very agreeable to me. Left Mr. Morris at the levee, came home. Stayed till four o'clock, and went and dined with the Speaker.

This day the President gave us no set speech from the chair; but I know not whether it was want of memory or design, but a motion made by me and seconded by Lee was passed by by him, and a second motion put. He, however, seemed confused. The speech which he made yesterday was on the subject of our having a sergeant-at-arms. He seemed to wish that the officer should be Usher of the Black Rod. He described this office to the House of Lords, and concluded by telling us cis Mollineaux was the officer, and that he had the honor of being introduced by him to the House of Lords.

ppurtenant Sir Fran

My business with Mr. Fitzsimmons this morning was to inform him how much I feared the cabal of the New England members in

the Senate, and that if they were not gratified in some measure, as to their favorite article of molasses, they would join with every member who objected to any single article, and promise him gratification in his particular humor, if he would join them. By these means, all the discontents being invited and indulgence given, even to caprice and whim, the bill would be lost. He laughed at my fears. The molasses affair was to be called up again. I asked him if he was sure of a majority in the House for continuing the duty at six cents. Very confident of it, yet he was mistaken, and it was reduced to five.

I felt great joy on the coming of Mr. Morris to town; for now I shall have one in whom I can confide.

May 13. Paid some visits this morning. Senate met. The title lay on the table. Mr. Lee informed the House that the committee on that business had met, but being in the Senate chamber, were dispersed on the meeting of the Senate, and had agreed to meet tomorrow morning.

Report for classing the Senate permitted to lie on the table. Moved and a committee appointed to confer on the subject of newspapers. A committee of nine appointed for the penal federal laws. I can observe a total change of behavior, or at least a considerable one, in our President. Instead of directing two Senators to read the ballots for committee men, as he did heretofore, he this day read them aloud from the chair, and the clerk tallied. This is the first step towards reformation, and I hope it will be progressive.

May 14. Senate met. The President reminded us of the title report. The committee were out on that business. The classing report adopted. A motion of yesterday was on the table for the regulating joint committees. Ellsworth, according to his custom, drew another one. Mr. Langdon withdrew his in complaisance to Ellsworth. Lee moved to strike out the latter part of Ellsworth's. Ellsworth, in complaisance to Lee, seconded him. This spoiled the motion; and all complaisance being at an end, the rest was rejected by the House. It was here the President made us his speech for the day. He said parliamentary customs, when found convenient, should be followed as good examples; (this is the first time ever I heard him guard his parliamentary lessons, but I observed yesterday that there was a change;) that conferences were very seldom used by the Houses in Great Britain; that little benefit was obtained from them; they could be but of little use only in case of difference of opinion with respect to bills.

The whole seemed to aim at lessening the intercourse between

the two Houses. I could not help thinking of his speech of the 9th instant. It seemed the second part of it.

May 14. Now rose Mr. Lee to report on Titles, from the joint committee. He reported that the committee from the other House had adhered in the strictest manner to their former resolution. He moved that the report, which had been laid on the table, in favor of titles, should be entered on the files of the House; and that a motion which he had in his hand should be adopted. The spirit of the motion was, that to keep up a proper respect for our chief magistrate, attention should be paid to the customs of civilized nations. That the appearance of the affectation of simplicity would be injurious that the Senate had decided in favor of titles from these motives; but that, in conformity to the practice of the other House, for the present they resolve to address the President without title.

It is stated, on the Senate Journal, that the committee of conference reported their inability to agree with the committee of the House, and, also, that the committee appointed on the 9th instant, to consider and report under what title it will be proper for the Senate to address the President of the United States of America, reported that, in the opinion of the committee, it will be proper to address the President: "His Highness, the President of the United States of America, and Protector of their Liberties." Which report was postponed; and the following resolve was agreed to, to wit: From a decent respect for the opinion and practice of civilized nations, whether under monarchical or republican forms of government, whose custom is to annex titles of respectability to the office of their chief magistrate; and that, on intercourse with foreign nations, a due respect for the majesty of the people of the United States may not be hazarded by an appearance of singularity, the Senate have been induced to be of opinion that it would be proper to annex a respectable title to the office of President of the United States; but the Senate, desirous of preserving harmony with the House of Representatives, where the practice lately observed in presenting an address to the President was without the addition of titles, think it proper, for the present, to act in conformity with the practice of that House; therefore,

Resolved, That the present address be, " To the President of the United States," without addition of title. (See antea, end Preface.) A motion was made to strike out the preamble as far as the words "but the Senate;" which passed in the negative;

And, on motion for the main question, it passed in the affirmative.