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States should be guilty of neglect. But I was not so uncharitable as to damn him that doubted not.

Up rose Lee. He was for the amendment, but had more doubts than anybody.

The rage of speaking caught hold of half the Senate at least. Some sensible things were said, but a great many foolish ones. Ellsworth rose a second time. He took nearly the track I had been on; but he explained everything with a clearness and perspicuity which I was quite incapable of. I was highly pleased with him. How readily the sentimental strings sound unisons when both are touched by the same agreeable motive. But enough; the amendment was carried against us.

I learned this day that the title selected from all the potentates of the earth for our President was to have been taken from Poland, viz: Elective majesty. What a royal escape.

Dined this day with the French minister. The first place I have

been at since my illness. But I have minuted enough for this day; so stop.

The Senate journal is as follows:

Thursday, May 5. The bill to regulate the time and manner of administering certain oaths was read the third time and passed, with amendments.

Ordered, That the Secretary carry the aforementioned bill to the House of Representatives, together with the amendments, and address the Speaker in the words following:

SIR: The Senate have passed the bill, entitled "An act to regulate the time and manner of administering certain oaths," with amendments, to which they desire the concurrence of your House.

Ordered, That when a bill has passed the Senate, the Secretary shall indorse the final determination thereon, and the day when such final question was taken, previous to its being transmitted to the House of Representatives:

Mr. Maclay, in his journal, remarks:

May 5. The bill of yesterday had a third reading. But now how is it to be sent to the other House. A motion was made and seconded, that it go by the Secretary. From half after eleven to half after one, was this important question agitated. The other House had effronted the Senate by sending up the bill in a letter; and now we would not send it down by a member. The dignity of the House was much insisted on. We were plagued with the Houses of Lords and Commons, and parliamentary was the supplementary word to every sentence. I doubted much whether I should rise or not. However, where everybody had something to say, I scorned to be

silent. I remarked that I rose with reluctance on a subject when I had not been able to draw any information from experience, as the State I had the honor to represent had but one House. Yet from what I could learn, the States in the Union, which had two Houses, carried on their communications by their members. That this I considered the most cordial and friendly mode of intercourse; and that I would much rather take example from our own States than from Great Britain. That this intercourse, therefore, was the one which I most sincerely wished, and thought the sooner it was adopted the better. If our members should be ill-treated below, as had been alleged by some gentlemen, the fault would not be ours; and then we would be fully justified by adopting some other mode. A communication by our Secretary was a bad one--it interrupted business, as we could not proceed without him. If we meant it by way of returning the affront that had been offered us, this was wrong. We should send the bill by letter; and this would be treating them in kind.

I was answered-at least, an attempt was made; but I was not convinced. Mr. Langdon got up soon after, and seemed to adopt all I had said; but the motion was carried against us. Mr. Ellsworth was with us, and so was Mr. Carroll; but he concluded, with saying, he would, this time, vote for the Secretary to go down with the bill.

I forgot to minute a very long speech of Mr. Ellsworth, when the bill was on the third reading. He prefaced his discourse by saying he would make no motion, but gentlemen might do as they pleased after he had delivered his sentiments. The whole amounted to this, that the great and dignified station of the President, and the conspicuous part which he would act in the field of legislation, as all laws must pass in review before him, and were subject to his revision and correction, &c., &c., entitled him to have his name or place marked in the enacting clause of the laws; or, at least, he should be brought into view among the conspicuous parts of Congress.

Ideas of the above kind were dwelt on, and varied with agreeable enough diction, for near a quarter of an hour. I was confident he neither wished nor expected to have any serious motion made on such untenable ground. What, then, could be his motive, solely to play the courtier. Something of this kind had been hinted from the Chair. Mr. Izard had been explicit on the subject. Mr. Ellsworth now plays the middle game. He knows the thing cannot take place, but he will bring it fully into view, so that he can say it was not my fault, and thus secure his interest with the high-toned courtiers. No motion was made. Indeed, the spirit of his address was reduc

ible to this: I will make no motion. If any of you are foolish enough to do it you may.

May 6. No Senate this day. There was a Commencement at St. Paul's church. The Senate were served with tickets. Dr. Johnson, the principal of the college, could not attend with us. I had heard that Mr. Morris was come to town. I went for his lodging. This, another useless journey, for he has not come. I would have been very glad of Mr. Morris' company. It has happened otherwise, I have been alone. I have had to bear the chilling cold of the North and the intemperate warmth of the South, neither of which are favorable to the middle States, from which I come. Lee and Izard, hot as the burning sand of Carolina, hate us. Adams, with all his frigid friends, cool and wary, bear us no good will. I could not find a confidant in one of them; or say, to my heart, here is the man I can trust. What has been my conduct then-spirit of rectitude bear witness for me— e-have I trimmed to one of them? Or have I once withheld a single sentiment that my judgment approved of? I trust I have not. Regardless of consequences, with no eye to emolument, without desire for reappointment, I mean to act as if I were immortal, and yet I wish to give satisfaction and content to the State that sent me here. Never, however, will I purchase that with discontent in my own bosom; nor does my dear country demand such a sacrifice at my hand.

The journal, under date of the 7th May, proceeds:

The committee reported an answer to the President's speech. It was read. One part was objected to, which stated the United States to have been in anarchy and confusion, and the President stepping in and rescuing them. A very long debate. The words were struck out. Mr. Lee offered a part of a sentence which I thought filled the sentence with propriety. It was, however, lost. Mr. Patterson offered a clause, "rescued us from evils impending over us." This was carried; but nearly half the Senate made sour faces at it. Mr. Ellsworth said it was tautological; but seemed at a loss as to mending it. I rose, more in consequence of a kind of determination that I have adopted of saying something every day than from any fondness of the subject. I admitted that there appeared something

NOTE. It is said that the celebrated Charles Fox, in his early service in Parliament, was in the habit of speaking as frequently as a suitable opportunity was offered him. One object in his course was to advance his reputation as an orator; and to this practice, it is said that he attributed, in a considerable degree, his proficiency as a debater. Of him Burke said that he was "the greatest debater the world ever saw." Pitt observed that "whenever I have made a better speech than usual, I observe that Fox, in his reply, surpasses himself."-See Earl Russell's Recollections, 219, 220.

tautological in the words, and it was not easy to mend them consistent with elegant diction; but if the first syllable was taken from the word impending, it would then stand, “evils pending over us.” The objection would be obviated, but I would not say the language would be eloquent. But since I was up, I could not help remarking that I thought the whole clause improper. That to state the whole Union as being in anarchy, or under impending ruin, was to sanctify the calumnies of our enemies, who had long labored in the foreign gazettes to represent us as a people void of government. It was fixing a stain on the annals of America; for future historians would appeal to the transactions of this very day as a proof of our disordered circumstances. I, therefore, was against the whole clause.

Mr. Wyngate followed me, and was for having the clause struck out. This could not well be done, consistent with order. I mentioned that if a reconsideration was moved, I would second it. It was reconsidered and amended, and afterwards recommitted to the same committee. They retired for the purpose of dressing it.

Now, the President rose, to draw the attention of the Senate to the manner of returning the answer to the President. A committee was appointed to confer, on this and other subjects, with a committee of the Representatives.

There are three ways, gentlemen, (said our President,) by which the President may communicate with us. One is, personally. If he comes here, we must have a seat for him. In England, it is called a throne. To be sure, it is behind that seat we must seek for shelter and protection. The second is by a Minister of State. The third is by his chamberlain, or one of his aids-de-camp, I had almost said; but that is a military phrase. It may become a great constitutional question.

Seeing the House look blank, he said, I throw these things out for gentlemen to think of.

Mr. Lee got up, and said something on the propriety of having a seat, with a canopy, for the President.

Mr. Langdon said something, but did not seem well collected, and spoke so low, I did not hear him. The time was trifled till near eight o'clock. The day was cold, and the members collected near the fire, leaving their seats. The committee returned with the message, and it really read vastly better, and was altered in the exceptionable phrases. In one place, speaking of the Government, it mentioned dignity and splendor. I submitted it to the gentlemen who had the amending of it, whether respectability was not better than splendor. Mr. Carroll, of the committee, did not defend the word

splendor; but said respectability had been used before, if he recollected right. Mr. Patterson said it sounded much better than respectability, and rounded the period. Doctor Johnson said splendor signified, in this place, the highest perfection of government. These were the three members of the committee.

I mentioned that if the word respectability had been used imme diately before, it would be improper; that dignity alone, I thought, expressed all that was wanted. As to the seeking of sounding names and pompous expressions, I thought them exceptionable on that very account, and that no argument was necessary to show it. Different men had a train of different ideas raised by the same word. Splendor, when applied to government, brought into my mind, instead of the highest perfection, all the faulty finery, brilliant scenes, and expensive trappings of royal government, and impressed my mind with an idea quite the reverse of republican respectability, which, I thought, consisted in firm and prudent councils, frugality, and economy. I found I was well seconded, and concluded that my motion went to recommend a reconsideration of the word splendor to the committee. They did not alter it, and the answer was agreed to.

The President rose in the chair, and repeated twice, with more joy on his face than I had ever seen him assume before, that he hoped the Government would be supported with dignity and splendor. I thought he did it by way of triumph over me for a former defeat I gave him, but it may be I was mistaken.

The following is the answer to the President's speech, reported by the committee :

SIR: We, the Senate of the United States, return you our sincere thanks for your excellent speech delivered to both Houses of Congress; congratulate you on the complete organization of the Federal Government; and felicitate ourselves and our fellow-citizens on your elevation to the office of President; an office highly important by the powers constitutionally annexed to it, and extremely honorable from the manner in which the appointment is made. The unanimous suffrage of the elective body in your favor, is peculiarly expressive of the gratitude, confidence, and affection of the citizens of America, and is the highest testimonial at once of your merit and their esteem. We are sensible, sir, that nothing but the voice of your fellow-citizens could have called you from a retreat, chosen with the fondest predilection, endeared by habit, and consecrated by the repose of declining years. We rejoice, and with us all America, that, in obedience to the call of our common country, you have returned once more to public life. In you all parties confide; in