knew in the political world. I regret my being absent when it passed, although my presence could have had no effect whatever on the progress of it, further than I would have borne my testimony against it. This nominal reduction, is a virtual raising of the whole value of the debt. Something of this kind, I have heard, is common in England. When Governments attempt a purchase of any kind of stock, the holders of that kind of stock never fail to raise the residue. Hamilton must have known this well. Our speculators or stockholders knew all this. They have a general communication with each other. They are actuated by one spirit, or I should rather say by Hamilton. Nobody (generally speaking) but them buys; it is easy for them, by preconcert, to settle what proposals they will give in; and these being filed, the commissioners are justified in taking the lowest. I cannot, however, help predicting that when the florins are out there will be a crash, and the stocks will fall.

December 26. Being Sunday, my brother agreed with me that we would visit Doctor Logan. This man has every testimony, both of practice and profession, in favor of his republicanism. He has been in the Assembly of Pennsylvania, and there had it in his power to have formed a coalition with the city interest. He has, however, continued firmly attached to the rural plans and arrangements of life, and the democratic system of government. His motto is vox populi, vox Dei. But mottoes and professions now-a-days are as the idle wind, which no one ought to regard unless supported by practice; and scarce can you depend on practice, unless you see it embracing interest. This has been, in some degree, his case. We had been but a little while with him, when we were joined by Judge Burke, of South Carolina. This is the very man who, while in New York, railed so tremendously against the Quakers, and against Philadelphia, and indeed all Pennsylvania, for having Quakers. But behold a wonder. Now he rails against slavery, extols Quakers, and blazes against the attentions showed to General Washington, which he calls idolatry; and that a party wish as much to make him a king, as ever the flatterers of Cromwell wished to raise him to that dignity.

Doctor Logan has Oswald's paper at his devotion, and I can foresee that Burke will discharge many of his sentiments through this channel. Burke said many just things, but he is too new a convert to merit confidence. I find, however, on examination, that this is the same man who wrote against the Cincinnati.

Monday, 27. Just as I came out of the door of the Hall, Hartley had fallen, and broke his arm. I was among the first to show

him every attention that his situation required, and the more especially as I have reason to consider him as inimical to my re-appointment to the Senate of the United States.

This day produced nothing of consequence in the Senate. My attention to Hartley prevented my returning into the Senate Chamber.

Tuesday, 28. Attended the Senate as usual. A slight debate took place respecting a law for continuing to the States of Rhode Island, Maryland, and Georgia the power to levy certain duties of tonnage for the purpose of repairs on their respective ports. The bill was re-committed, with two additional members added to the committee.

Levee Day.

This being levee day, I attended in a new suit. This piece of duty I have not omitted since I came to town, and, if there is little harm in it, there cannot be much good. A reëlection might be among my misfortunes.

December 29. This day a blank in the Senate with respect to any business of importance. Mr. Morris told me I was blamed for not going among the members, and speaking to them. One party watch and ridicule me, if I am seen speaking a word to a member. In order to avoid the censure of them, I have rather secreted myself from the members, and the fault is fixed on me.

I called this evening at the lodging of some of the members who were out. Fitzsimmons had often said he was at home in the evening, and desired me to call. I drank tea with him and the family. Sat a good while. The chat was various. He did not touch the subject of my reëlection. He did not come with me to the door when I took leave. As much as to say, I want no private communication. Be it so. If I want help, I need not look to him for it. Whatever is, is best; and I have little doubt that my rejection, if it takes place, will be best.

December 30. Attended at the Hall at the usual time. A communication from the President respecting the prisoners at Algiers, fourteen of whom only are alive, was delivered to the Senate. Read, and committed to the Committee on the Mediteranean Navigation.

Did some business about the offices. Called and sat a good part of the evening with White, who had two of the Lancaster members with him. I need say nothing more to them. They now know me. From White I had much information of the whispers, inuendoes, and malevolent remarks made respecting me. It was painful, and I could not refrain demanding of him what or whether any charge

was made against me. No, no, nothing in particular; but everybody says the people don't like you. The people won't hear of your reëlection. Who are they that say so? The leading members of the Assembly. Officers of the Land Office. Citizens of

Philadelphia, and others.

Quere. Is not the same spirit that dictated the ostracism at Athens, the petalism at Syracuse, and similar measures in other places, still prevalent in the human mind and character? The true cause of these banishments, whether by the oyster shell or olive leaf, was really to remove a blameless rival out of the way of less deserving competitors for office, by the name and clamor of the people, when no other cause could be alleged against him. this way is there not, in every free country, where the competition for office is laid open, a constant ostracism at work on the character of every man eminent for worth or talents? These arts will no doubt prevail on many occasions, but they will not be universally successful. When they do, we must submit to them as in some measure inseparable from republicanism.

In

December 31. Attended the Senate this day, where nothing was done of any consequence. Sundry papers relating to the inhabitants of post Vincent or Vincennes, on the Wabash, were committed. I was of the committee.

I went a visiting with Langdon. Dined this day with Mr. Morris. I can observe in general rather a coolness of the citizens towards me. Be it so. I will endeavor not to vex myself much with them. This is the last day of the year, and I have faithfully noted every political transaction that has happened to me in it. And of what avail has it been? I thought it possible that I would be called on with respect to the part I had acted in Senate, by the Legislature of Pennsylvania, or at least by some of them. But is there a man of them who has thought it worth while to ask me a single question? No. Are they not, every man of them, straining after offices, posts, and preferments? At least every one of them who has the smallest chance of success? Yes, verily; nor is there a man who seems to care a farthing how I acted, but wish me out to make a vacancy. Reward from men it is in vain to look for. It is, however, of some consequence to me that I have nothing to charge myself with.

31. Having some leisure on hand, I have looked over my minutes for the last month. It is with shame and contrition that I find the subject of my reëlection has engaged so much or, indeed, any of my thoughts. Blessed with affluence, domestic in my habits and manners, rather rigid and uncomplying in my temper, generally op

posed in sentiments to the prevailing politics of the times, no placeman, speculator, pensioner, or courtier, it is equally absurd for me to wish a continuance in Congress, as to desire to walk among briars and thorns rather than on a beaten road. It may be said a love for the good of my country should influence my wishes. Let those care to whom the trust is committed; but let me never beg for that trust when, in my own opinion, I have been of so little service, and have sacrificed both health and domestic happiness at the shrine of my country. Nothing that I could do, either by conversation or writing, has been wanting to let men see the danger which is before them. But seeing is not the sense that will give them the alarm. Feeling only will have this effect; and it is hard to say how callous even this may be. Yet when the seeds of the funding system ripen into taxation of every kind, and upon every article; when the general judiciary, like an enforcing engine, follows them up, seizing and carrying men from one corner of a State to another, and, perhaps, in time, through different States, I should not at all be disappointed if a commotion, like a popular fever, should be excited, and at least attempt to throw off these political disorders. Ill, however, will that government be, under which an old man cannot eke out ten or a dozen years of an unimportant life in quiet; and may God grant peace in my day.

But as to the point in hand, let me now mark down some rules for my future conduct.

First, then, let me avoid anything that may seem to savor of singularity or innovation; call on and speak to my acquaintances as formerly; but avoiding, with the utmost care, the subject of senatorial election, and everything connected with it. If any other person introduces it, he must be either a real or pretended friend. Hear him, therefore, with complacence and even with a thankful air; avoid every wish or opinion of my own, especially of the negative kind, for everything of the sort will hazard my sincerity.

Should an election come on while I am in town, stay in my place during the time of it; and if it should be adverse, a thing I can scarce doubt of, immediately send in my resignation, as the appointment of another person must be considered as unequivocal proof of my having lost the confidence of the State. For this purpose, let my letter of resignation be ready, all to the filling the date; and revise it while I am cool, for it is not unlikely that, with so many eyes upon me, I may undergo some perturbation at the time. Lastly, have my mare in readiness; and let the first day of my liberty be employed in my journey homewards. A determination of this kind is certainly right; for I have tried, and feel my own in

significance and total inability to give the smallest check to the torrent which is pouring down upon us. A system is daily developing itself, which must gradually undermine and finally destroy our so much boasted equality, liberty, and republicanism. High wages, ample compensations, great salaries to every person connected with the Government of the United States. The desired effect is already produced; the frugal and parsimonious appointments of the individual States are held in contempt. Men of pride, ambition, talents, all press forward to exhibit their abilities on the theater of the General Government. This, I think, may be termed grade the first; and to a miracle has it succeeded. The second grade or stage is to create and multiply offices and appointments under the General Government, by every possible means, in the diplomacy, revenue, judiciary, and military. This is called giving the President a respectable patronage-a term, I confess, new to me in the present sense of it, which I take to mean neither more or less than that the President should always have a number of lucrative places in his gift, to reward those members of Congress who may promote his views, or support his measures; more especially, if by such conduct they should forfeit the esteem of their constituents. We talk of corruption in Britain. I pray we may not have occasion for complaints of a similar nature here. Respice finem, as to the third.

January 1, 1791. Neither Congress nor the Legislature of the State met this day. I went to settle some business with the Comp. troller of the State, but he was equally complaisant to the day or the Government. I determined to do something since I was out. I visited Hartley, who lies ill with his broken arm. Just as I passed the President's, Griffin called to me, and asked whether I would not pay my respects to the President. I was in boots and had on my worst clothes. I could not prevail on myself to go with him. I had, however, passed him but a little way, when Osgood, the Postmaster General, attacked me warmly to go with him. I was pushed forward by him; bolted into the presence; made the President the compliments of the season; had a hearty shake by the hand. I was asked to partake of the punch and cakes, but declined it. I sat down, and we had some chat. But the diplomatic gentry and foreigners coming in, I embraced the first vacancy to make my bow and wish him a good morning.

I called next on the Governor of the State, and paid my compliments, and so came home to my dinner; and thus have I commenced the year 1791.

January 2. Being Sunday, I stayed at home in the forenoon and

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