Too much has that influence, conducted by the interest of New England, whose naval connections throws them into that scale, governed— nay, tyrannized-in the councils of the Union. My consolation for going to the Potomac is: That it may give a preponderance to the agricultural interest. Dire, indeed, will be the contest, but I hope it will prevail. I cannot, however, help concluding that all these things would have been better on the Susquehanna. But, quere, is not this selfish, too? Aye; but it may, nevertheless, be just. End of journal of the second session, and the last at New York.

Mr. Maclay has intimated that President Washington, during the second session of Congress, exercised an influence in favor of locating the permanent seat of government on the Potomac. Washington probably felt a strong desire in favor of such a location, but there is no reasonable probability that he used or encouraged any means deemed by him improper in order to effect or promote it. But Mr. Maclay has not furnished any evidence that the President interfered during the first session in favor of the Potomac.

But from the journal it appears that the permanent seat might then have been fixed on the Susquehanna, with the aid of Mr. Morris; and at Germantown, with the assistance of Mr. Maclay. Sol it appears that the permanent seat was lost to Pennsylvania by a want of concert, or by reason of disagreement, between its own Senators.

The speculations of Mr. Maclay as to the effect upon Philadelphia of the location upon the Potomac, have been futile. Washington has not become a great commercial town;" it has little or no foreign commerce, but derives most of its mercantile supplies from Baltimore and other more northern cities, and the commercial interests of Philadelphia have not been materially impaired by the southern location of the seat of government. The railroads and coal fields, the vast agricultural and manufacturing operations, and other industrial pursuits, of the people of Pennsylvania, have made Philadelphia a great and prosperous city, worthy of the great State in which it is situate.

Congress continued to sit after the termination of Mr. Maclay's journal relative to proceedings during the second session, and adjourned till the first Monday of December, 1790, then to meet at Philadelphia.

THIRD SESSION OF THE FIRST SENATE.

On Monday, the 6th of December, 1790, the two Houses assembled at the city of Philadelphia.

The Senate having assembled, it was ascertained that the Vice President and thirteen Senators were present, (Mr. Maclay included.) The Senate then received the credentials of Philemon Dickinson, of New Jersey, in the place of Governor Patterson, resigned, and of James Monroe, in the place of William Grayson, deceased.

The President, (Washington,) in his address, states that the district of Kentucky, now a part of Virginia, has concurred in certain propositions contained in a law of that State, in consequence of which the district is to become a distinct member of the Union, in case the requisite consent of Congress be added. For this same, the application is now made.

Mr. Maclay, in his journal, proceeds:

December 1, 1790. Late in the afternoon I arrived in Philadelphia, in order to attend Congress, which is to meet on Monday next. Saw nobody this afternoon nor evening.

2. Dressed, and called first on General Mifflin. He was abroad. Then on Mr. Morris, who received me with frankness.

the President, Clymer, and at Fitzsimmons'.

Called on

Met with Mr. Langdon, and went a visiting, in which we spent the forenoon. Called in the evening at McConnell's, the broker. He told me the public creditors were very busy, under their chair-✔ man, preparing petitions, memorials, &c., for Congress. He readily joined me, said it was carried on to answer electioneering purposes. Saturday, 4. I have deliberated much on the subject, whether I will call to see Bingham, Powell, and others. I have called on Morris, Clymer, and Fitzsimmons. Why not on them? By the rules of etiquette, perhaps, they should call on me. I have resolved all over in my mind, Jacta est alea, and I will go. But as I went, I fell in with Mr. Clymer, and away we went a visiting. Clymer certainly means to be on good terms with me. We had two long visits. I called at Bingham's. Found him at home, and had a long

chat. Took leave, and left a card at Mr. Powell's. Called at Mr. Chew's, who urged me to stay for dinner. I accepted his invitation for two o'clock, and the rest of the day was accordingly disposed of, for it was past three before we sat down.

I called twice this day at Dr. Rush's, but saw him not. Saw the Speaker. The Speaker said, on the authority of Dr. Rush, that we would all be reëlected. Believe it not.

Sunday, 5. Was sent for early by Mr. Morris on the subject of taking up frontier lands. I agreed to procure him a draft of such parts of the State as had vacant lands in them. No contract with him. I mean to have such a draft made for the use of the members of the Assembly, or, at least, for their information. Pressed me to

dine with him. Did so.

Mr. Powel returned my visit. Visited Langdon in the evening. Monday, 6. My brother informed me this morning that Charles Thompson had applied to one Collins, a member from Berks, for his interest to obtain my place as Senator.

Attended at the Hall at eleven. A Senate was formed, but no business done, save the sending a message by our Secretary to the Representatives that the Senate was ready to proceed to business. Spent the rest of the day in visiting.

December 7. Attended, at eleven, at the Hall. A House was formed by the representatives. On the 7th of January last, King had introduced a new record altogether on the minutes, the intention of which was to secure the delivery of the President's speech in the Senate Chamber. A resolution verbatim with the entry of last January was moved, carried, and sent down for concurrence. While this was done with us, a resolution passed the Representatives for a joint committee waiting on the President, with information that quorums were formed in both Houses. Our Secretary and the clerk passed each other on the stairs with their respective resolutions. Each House appointed committees under their own resolutions, and the committees met. The representatives urged that it was idle to name any place to do business in until it was known whether any business would be done. The President was in our favor. This silly thing kept us talking an hour and a half. clerk of the Representatives announced the non-concurrence of our resolution.. This had like to have raised a flame, but a motion was at length made and carried for the concurrence of the resolution which came up. The joint committee now waited on the President, who charged them with information that he would to-morrow, at twelve o'clock, deliver his speech to both Houses in the Senate Chamber, and so ended this arduous affair. The Senate adjourned.

The

The first levee was held this day, at which I attended.

8. This was the day assigned for the President to deliver his speech, and was attended with all the bustle and hurry usual on such occasions. The President was dressed in black, and read his speech well enough, or at least tolerably. After he was gone, and the Senate only remained, our President seemed to take great pains to read it better. If he had such a view, he succeeded; but the difference between them amounted to this: one might be considered as at home, and the other in a strange company. The speech was committed. Let me return to the President. Does he really look like a man who enters into the spirit of his employment? Does he show that he receives it in trust for the happiness of the people, and not as a fee simple for his own emolument? Time and practice will, perhaps, best elucidate this point.

December 9. This day in the Senate afforded neither motion nor debate. The communications hinted at in the President's speech were delivered to us and continued to be read till past two o'clock, when the Senate adjourned.

A war has been actually undertaken against the Wabash Indians, without any authority of Congress; and what is worse, so far as intelligence has come to hand, we have reason to believe it has been unsuccessful. Mind what comes of it.

The Vice President, Mr. Wyngate, and some more of us, stood by the fire. When the affairs of France were talked, I said the National Assembly had attacked royalty, nobility, hierarchy, and the bastile altogether, and seemed likely to demolish the whole. The Vice President said it was impossible to destroy nobility-it was founded in nature. The Vice President's arguments were drawn from the respect shown to the sons of eminent men, although vicious and undeserving.

When the parties had nearly exhausted themselves, I asked whether our Indians might not be considered as having devised an excellent method of getting rid of this prejudice by ranking all the children after the mother. This sent off the whole matter in a smile. Adams, however, either never was cured, or is relapsed into his nobilimania.

December 10. This day was unimportant in the Senate. The committees reported an answer to the President's speech. The echo was a good one, and was adopted without material amendment.

A packet had arrived from France some time ago, directed to the President and members of Congress. The President, from motives of delicacy, would not open it. It came to the Senate and was sent back to the President, and now returned opened. It contained a