22d May. In the evening a large number of gentlemen called at our house. My barber had disappointed me in the morning. I was rather in dishabille, but came down stairs. Although I am not in the least given to dress, yet I found that I was, on this occasion, below par; and to know that any point about one is deranged, or improperly adjusted, imparts an awkward air to one. It is on this account, more than any other, that a propriety of dress should be attended to. To suspect that your company believe anything wrong about you, distresses a modest man. Of the company was Mr. Fitzsimmons. He took me by the hand, and said, to-morrow at nine I wish to meet with you and the Speaker.

May 23. It was near ten when I was called down, on the coming of Fitzsimmons. He had been some time with the Speaker. We had considerable loose talk on the subject of the removal of Congress. But Fitzsimmons, after some time, declared that was not the business on which he came. It was to settle something as to the government of Pennsylvania. Who should be run for the chair of it at the next election. He spoke of the dignity of the Speaker's present place, and the certainty of his continuance in it. It was evident that he wished the Speaker to decline. The Speaker said, very well; I will give you an answer to-morrow morning.

May 24. I dressed, and went early to work. Called on R. H. Lee, of Virginia; on Walker; and Doctor Elmer. After Senate met, I reported the amendments on the Baron Steuben bill. It was the opinion of the committee that he should have an annuity of $1,000. It lay, however, over for to-morrow. Some business came up from the Representatives.

And, now, Mr. Morris rose, and made the long expected motion in the following words: Resolved, That Congress shall meet, and hold their next session, in the city of Philadelphia.

Langdon seconded the motion. A dead pause ensued.

Our President asked if we were ready for the question. General Schuyler got up, and hoped not, as it was a matter of great importance to move the seat of Government. He moved a postponement.

Mr. Morris said: If the gentleman will name to-morrow, he had no objection; and to-morrow was accordingly named for it. The House soon after adjourned, and now Izard, Butler, Doctor Johnson, Schuyler, and King flew about. The people they mostly attacked were Governor Johnston, Hawkins, and Gunn. I soon left them, and came home.

But this was mess day, and I went at half past three, and found the company already seated, and the dinner almost eat up. I could not stay long, as we had an appointment with Jefferson, the Secre

tary of State, at six o'clock. When I came to the Hall, Jefferson

and the rest of the committee were there.

Jefferson is a slender man. Has rather the air of stiffness in his manner. His clothes seem too small for him. He sits in a lounging manner on one hip commonly, and with one of his shoulders elevated much above the other. His face has a sunny aspect. His whole figure has a loose shackling air. He had a rambling vacant look, and nothing of that firm collected deportment which I expected would dignify the presence of a secretary or minister. I looked for gravity, but a laxity of manner seemed shed about him. He spoke almost without ceasing. But even his discourse partook of his personal demeanor. It was loose and rambling, and yet he scattered information wherever he went, and some even brilliant sentiments sparkled from him. The information which he gave us respecting foreign ministers, &c., was all high spiced. He has been long enough abroad to catch the tone of European folly. He gave us a sentiment which seemed to savor rather of quaintness: "It is better to take the highest of the lowest than the lowest of the highest." Translation: It is better to appoint a chargé d'affaires, with a handsome salary, than a minister plenipotentiary, with a small one. He took his leave, and the committee agreed to strike out the specific sum to be given to any foreign appointment, leaving it to the President to account, and appropriated $30,000 generally for

the purpose.

25th May. This day again I was engaged in the main business. Called on sundry of the members. The Yorkers are now busy in the scheme of bargaining with the Virginians, offering the permanent seat on the Potomac for the temporary one in New York. Butler is the chief agent in the business. Walker, a weak man, seemed taken off by it. Patterson, however, is not yet come.

Baron Steuben's business was taken up. The committee were called on to give the reasons of their report. As I was chairman, I had to take the lead. I knew there was blame ready to fall on us. I, however, did not decline the business, but laid down the outlines in as strong colors as I thought consistent with the truth-that those who came after me might not be bashful, and thus taking scope enough for them to act in. I thought I took many of the Senate with me—some I know it was impossible. In fine, I thought demonstration was on our side that the Baron could demand nothing. Izard drew conclusions that were obviously wrong, indeed, to his own party. Even Butler disowned his reasons; but he was for doing the same thing without a reason. Ellsworth got up and spoke exceeding well for more than an hour. He was severe in some of

his strictures, but I was pleased to hear him. The debates lasted until past three o'clock, and an adjournment took place without any question. One object of the delay was to put off our question on the residence.

The baron's bill, as it was called, was taken up. The cabals of the Secretary were successful, and the baron's bill was triumphant.

But after this was done Mr. Morris called for his motion. If he really intended to lose it, he could not possibly have taken a more certain method. He (Mr. Morris) rose, laughing heartily every time he got up. King laughed at him, and he laughed back at King, and a number more joined in the laugh. This was truly ridiculous. Few, King, and Butler rose, and the amount of all they said was, that a removal was inconvenient that Philadelphia was not central; if we once got into it we would be accommodated in such manner that we never could leave it, &c.

I replied that a removal was not called for immediately by the resolution that the next session of Congress was to meet in Philadelphia-that although it was not central, it was more so than the place where we now were. The universal consent of the Provinces before we were States, and of the States since, was in favor of Philadelphia. This was verified by every public assembly which had been called, from the meeting of the first Congress down to the late meeting of the Cincinnati. The arguments drawn from the conveniences of Philadelphia, and the insinuations that if we were once there nobody would ever think of going away from it, I thought were reasons which should induce us to embrace this place, which would come so completely up to our wishes. I begged gentlemen, however, to be easy on that subject. Philadelphia was a place they never could get as a permanent residence. The government neither would nor could part with it. It was nearly equal to one third of the State in wealth and population. It was the only port belonging to the State. It was excepted by the government in her offers to the Congress.

In such a place, the deliberations of Congress on the subject of the permanent residence, could be carried on to the greatest advantage, &c., &c. I was up a second time, but to no purpose. A postponement was moved by Butler, and seconded by Gunn. For the question of postponement, Strong, Dalton, Johnson, Ellsworth, King, Schuyler, Patterson, Hawkins, Johnston, Butler, Izard, Few, Gunn-thirteen. Our side, Langdon, Wyngate, Elmer, Morris, Maclay, Reed, Bassett, Carroll, Henry, Lee, Walker-eleven.

I

27. Mr. Morris went off yesterday, in company with King, and I really thought there was too much levity in his conduct all through. I really suspected that he did not treat the matter with sufficient seriousness. This day he showed a violent disposition of anger; he would go anywhere; but insisted on withdrawing the motion. could not readily agree with him as to the propriety of withdrawing the motion. Butler rose, and said he gave notice that he would bring in a bill on Monday next, to establish the permanent residence. Mr. Morris jumped up in haste, and moved for leave to withdraw his motion. Langdon agreed. There was some demur, but the question was carried.

.

Now the baron's bill, as we have called it, was taken up. If the fate of the Union had depended on it, it could not have been more pertinaceously adhered to. Ellsworth persevered, and cut King in argument more severely than ever I heard any member of the Senate heretofore. King felt it, and I confess I enjoyed it. Butler, by one of those eccentric motions for which he is remarkable, flew his party, and voted on our side. . What a con

sternation! I observed him rising, and said aloud it is carried. As the arguments were nearly the same on every question, it is in vain to repeat them.

I voted uniformly against allowing him one farthing, as I was convinced nothing was due to him.

I cannot help noting Mr. Adams' speech. In extolling the baron, he told us that he (the baron) had imparted to us the arts and principles of war, learned by him in the only school in the world, where they were taught by the great King of Prussia, who had copied them from the ancient Greek and Roman lessons; and in fine, to these arts and principles we owed our independence. Childish man to tell us this, when many of our sharpest conflicts and most bloody engagements had terminated fortunately, before ever we heard of the baron.

May 28. This day we had expectations that the House of Representatives would have brought on the vote for adjournment to Phil

NOTE.-The Baron Steuben arrived in this country in December, 1777. The battle of Trenton was fought in December, 1776, and that at Princeton in January following. The baron joined the army at Valley Forge, in February, 1778. He took part in the battle of Monmouth, in 1778, and also took part in the siege of Yorktown. Congress granted him an annuity of $2,500 for life; and the State of New York granted him sixteen thousand acres of land near to Utica, portions of which he gave to his aids, and the balance he leased.Appleton's Cyclopedia-Steuben.

adelphia, but the day passed without anything being done. No debate of any consequence in Senate. I feel exceedingly indisposed.

Last night Fitzsimmons and Clymer called on me. They agreed to call on Goodhue, Gilman, Huntingdon, and some other of the New England men, and tell them calmly that the Pennsylvanians would not stay in New York. That if they, of New England, would persist in voting for New York, the Pennsylvanians would agree to any other place whatever, and from here they would go. Fitzsimmons and Clymer were appointed for this service. I readily agreed to join Mr. Morris in a similar service, with respect to the Senate.

Monday, May 31, 1790. Went early out to call on sundry members, and try to prepare them for the grand question. Came to the Hall at the usual time. The bill for intercourse with foreign nations came up from the Representatives, with an insistance. Both Houses having insisted, it remained for us to recede or call for a conference. It ended in a conference. A considerable debate, however, or rather delivery of sentiments, took place. Ellsworth, in a slow, languid manner, said it was easy to see that the Representatives had in view some old regulations, by their insisting on the $9,000. That formerly the business had been done by some gentlemen for about $6,000 per annum.

Mr. Adams jumped up; said that could not be; that he had kept the accounts with his own hand at Paris, and they amounted to about three thousand guineas yearly. He had now a vast deal to say. When he had done, Ellsworth took a small paper out of his pocket; said he was very willing to show the documents from which he had spoken. Here was an abstract of the accounts of the honorable President while he was in Paris, and all the particulars for twenty months, amounting to $9,800, which was not more than at the rate of $6,000 per annum.

Now Butler rose, and had a good deal to say on the merits of the permanent residence, and concluded with asking leave to bring in a bill for a permanent and temporary residence.

Lee made a long speech. I felt so much interested that I could not help rising. I observed that fixing the permanent residence to a future period would work no relief of present inconveniences; that the complaints were felt and well-founded as to the place in which we now were; that the gentleman had given notice, some days ago, that he would offer a bill for the permanent residence. He now added the temporary residence, &c., &c. The end of the matter was, that he delivered in his bill. (Mr. Morris was absent at this time.)

June 1. I called early this morning on Fitzsimmons and Clymer.