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June 15,


at the Pass between the Bull's Run and Kittoctin mountains,' the position of Lee was partially revealed to Hooker, and caused the latter to send the Second Corps to Thoroughfare Gap, the Fifth to Aldie, and the Twelfth to Leesburg. In that encounter the Confederate cavalry was charged by Kilpatrick's brigade (First Maine, First Massachusetts, and a battalion of the Fourth New York), and driven back to Ashby's Gap, whence they had emerged. Two days earlier than this," when Milroy's flying troops were crossing the Potomac at Hancock, a brigade of Confederate cavalry, fifteen hundred in number, under General Jenkins, detached from Ewell's corps, had dashed across the river at Williamsport, in pursuit of Milroy's wagon-train, swept up the Cumberland Valley to Chambersburg, in Pennsylvania, destroyed the railway in that neighborhood, and plundered the region of horses, cattle, and other supplies. Then, with fifty kidnapped negroes, they turned their faces toward the Potomac,' encamped at and held Hagerstown, in Maryland, and there waited for the advance of Lee's army.

Jenkins's raid was a reconnoissance for information. It satisfied Lee that very little opposition might be expected to an immediate invasion in force, and he determined to advance. By skillful movements he kept the Army of the Potomac in doubt, in the vicinity of Washington, while Ewell's corps pressed to the river, crossed it at Williamsport and Shepardstown into Maryland, on the 21st and 22d of June, moved directly on Hagerstown, yet held by Jenkins, and then up the Cumberland Valley to Chambersburg, where General Knipe was in command. That officer fell back, and all Western Pennsylvania, up to its capital on the Susquehanna, appeared to be at the mercy of the invaders, for few troops had yet joined Couch or Brooks.: Still farther northward Ewell advanced in two columns, Rodes's division pushing on through Carlisle to Kingston, within thirteen miles of IIarrisburg, while Early's division marched up the eastern side of the South Mountain range, and through Emmettsburg, Gettysburg, and York, to the banks of the Susquehanna at Wrights

> June 22.

• June 27.

See map on page 556, volume I., and note 2, page 467, volume II. ? Drugs and or her inerchandise were purchased by the Confederates in Chambersburg, and paid for in Confederate scrip. During his stay there Jenkins lost some horses, and demanded their return or their reputed value ($900) in money. The scrip to that amount was tendered to bim, and he dared not refuse the worthless paper, for fear of casting "discredit on the finances of his nation." He was compelled to “pocket the joke."

3 There was great tardiness everywhere, especially in Western Pennsylvania. Homes if that region were most endangered, and men did not like to leave their families unprotected. Some were unwilling to take up arms, because they were opposed to the war, and did all they could to prevent their friends joining the defenders. These members of the Peace Faction were fearful of being retained in the field beyond the fall election, and thus be deprived of voting against the supply of further men or money for the war; and “some, also," says Professor Jacobs (Rebel Invasion of Maryland

PENNSYLVANIA COLLEGE. and Pennsylvania, page 10), " who were brave and patriotic in words, could not make up their minds to expose themselves to the hardships of camp life, and to the perils of the battle-field.” To this general hesitation there was a noble exception. At the time of Jenkins's raid, sixty students of Pennsylvania College, at Gettysburg, together with several from the Theological Seminary there, and a few citizens under Captain F. Klinefelter, a theological student, formed a company, and marched for Harrisburg on the 17th of June. These were the first to be “mustered into the service for the emergency."-See Jacob's Rebel Invasion, &c., page 10.




ville, opposite Columbia, levying contributions on the people, and destroying bridges along the line of the Northern Central railway, which connects that region with Baltimore. The great railway bridge that spanned the Susquehanna between Wrightsville and Columbia was fired by National troops at the latter place, under Colonel Frick, and was in flames when the Confederates came up."

This sudden and formidable invasion created an intense panic, especially in Pennsylvania. Flocks and herds, horses and forage, accompanied by citizens who preferred peace to war, were hurried across the Susquehanna, for there was no longer any uncertainty; and the fact that Lee and his legions had flanked Hooker, and were on the soil of Pennsylvania, levying contributions on its citizens,' and threatening its political and commercial capital with seizure and plunder, was now the burning commentary of events on the wisdom and patriotism of Governor Curtin, and the folly of disregarding his timely warnings and appeals. There seemed to be no power at hand adequate to stay the merciless tide of invasion, and for a moment it appeared probable that the Confederate footmen might have an undisturbed promenade between the Susquehanna and the Schuylkill, and that the horses of their cavalry might speedily be watered in the Delaware, and possibly neigh on the banks of the Hudson. Rumor and fear, magnifying and disturbing truth, made pale faces everywhere. Now the invaders

1 As General Lee's errand was partly a political one, and there was a desire to conciliate all who were disposed for peace and friendship with the Confederates, be issued a stringent order on the 21st, directed to General Ewell, forbidiling plunder and violence of every kind, directing payment to be made for all supplies received, and certificates to be given to those friends who should refuse compensation. At the same time he directed the orderly seizure, by proper authority, of all necessary supplies when owners refused to give or sell them. Also to seize all the property of any person who should conceal, or attempt to conceal, any property required by his army.

? In violation of the letter of Lee's order, commanders like Early proceeded to "live upon the enemy," and indulge their desires for plunder and destruction. When Early's corps approached York, the meek mayor, sympathizing, it was reported, with the Peace Faction, took the trouble to go several miles in the direction of the approaching invaders, to meet Early and surrender the borongh to him, which, because of this mark of submission, was promised special immunity from harın. When the Confederate general occupied the town, his promise was broken, and he required the citizens to deliver, by four v'clock that afternoon, a large supply of food and clothing, and $100,000 in United States Treasnry notes. of the amount required, *28,000 were actually paid, and a larger portion of 200 barrels of flour, 40,000 ponnds of fresh beef, 30,000 bushels of corn, and 1,000 pairs of shoes, and some other articles, "required for the use of Early's division," as the requisition said, were furnished,

Early also proceeded to the extensive iron works of Thaddeus Stevens, member of Congress, in that region, and, because of his eminent services in the National legislature, in providing means for crushing the rebellion, caused his property, to the annount of $50,000, to be destroyed. This was done by fire by the hands of some of Jenkins's cavalry. When the writer was at Marietta, in Georgia, in May, 1966, he met there a captain in that cavalry, by the name of Stevens, who boasted of being one of those who committed the sturdy old patriot's property to the flames. Early directed certificates to be given the citizens of York for property " contributed," well knowing that they were as worthless as the “Confederate scrip" which Lee ordered to be paid for supplies. No man knew better than did Lee, at that time, that a slip of soiled paper would have been as valuable to the citizens of Pennsylvania as the ** money" he offered, “when any was offered;" and, in view of this fact, his assumed honesty in his order to Ewell of the 21st, cannot conceal the deliberate intention to plunder the people in an orderly manner.

The exhibition of ferocity on the part of the stay-at-home writers for the Confederato newspapers was cometimes sickening, but more often amusing. One of these, in the Richmond Whig of July 2, having heard that Lee was in Harrisburg, expressed a hope that he would set fire to all the anthracite coal-mines in Pennsyl. vania. He did not doubt Lee would do it, if the opportunity offered, and thereby all the coal would be “ reduced to ashes !*** “ All that is needed," said the writer, " is to seize the anthracite fields, destroy the roads and the machinery of the pits, set fire to the mines and leave them. Northern industry will thus be paralyzed at a single blow."

3 So early as the 15th of June, the Governor, through the newspapers and by placards headed with the words, in large letters, PENNSYLVANIA IN Danger !--CITIZENS CALLED TO ARMs! informed the inhabitants of the peril that threatened them, and said, * Unless our people respond promptly, a large part of the State will be laid waste by the rebel invaders." lle assured them that those who volunteered would be credited on the draft, then ordered; but it was difficult to arouse thein to action.



were marching toward Pittsburg, and would scale the Alleghanies; then on
Harrisburg, and would destroy the State buildings and archives; now on
Philadelphia, to plunder its mansions and store-houses; and then on Baltimore
and Washington, to proclaim Jefferson Davis the ruler of the Republic, with
the power of a Dictator. Brooks cast up breastworks on the line of their
expected approach to the mountains; Couch made intrenchments opposite
Harrisburg, and some of his troops skirmished with the Confederate van-
guard within four miles of the capital. Stockades and block-houses were
constructed along the line of the Northern Central
railway, between Baltimore and Hanover Junction;
and at Philadelphia some pretty little redoubts were
erected, at which the citizens laughed when the danger
was over. That danger, so sudden and awful, seemed
to have paralyzed efforts for any movement excepting
in a search for safety of person and property. The
contents of bank vaults were sent to points beyond
peril; and valuable merchandise, household treasures,
and bank deposits, were transported from Philadelphia
to distant places of safety, while troops from farther north were hurrying
through the city to meet the impending danger. But Philadelphia soon
aroused from its stupor. Its mayor issued a stirring appeal to the citizens
to “close their manufactories, workshops, and stores, before the stern neces-
sity of common safety made it obligatory.” The drill-rooms were soon
crowded with volunteers from every class of citizens, and very speedily full
regiments were organized and on their way to the field. “Even the clergy,"
said an eye-witness," assembled, and to a man offered to drop both preaching
and the

and take


either musket or spade.”



1 This little cut shows the form of block-houses erected along the line of the road, particularly at the bridge where the railway crossed Gunpowder Creek.

These were built of stout hewn logs and pierced for musketry. At the dam of Jones's Falls Creek, about eight miles from Baltimore, where a reservoir, called Swan Lake, is formed, from which Baltimore is supplied with water, palisades, as seen in the annexed engraving, were erected across a road approaching from the westward. These were for the purpose of preventing the invaders, marching from that direction, striking the railway there, or cutting off the supply of water from the city.

The alarm of the loyal people of Baltimore was also great. All the military and many citizens were made busy in erecting

fortifications to defend the city against the invaders, while the PALISADES AT SWAN LAKE.

Secessionists were joyful because of the prospect of soon wel.

coming to Baltimore what they were pleased to call “ the deliverers of Maryland.” Lines of intrenchments, with redoubts, were constructed, extending a long distance. so as to completely inclose the city on the land side. In that work the colored people, bond and free, bore the brunt of labor. A thousand of these were gathered by the police in one day and put into the ranks of workers.

As an illustration of the sudden change from perfect confidence to wild alarm, the writer will mention the following occurrence: The Loyal League of Philadelphia had made extensive preparations for a magnificent celebration of the approaching anniversary of our National Independence. The writer was invited to be present as a guest. When the news came that Jenkins had been at Chambersburg and Ewell was in Maryland, he wrote to a lending citizen of Philadelphia, saggesting that the thousands expected at that celebration might be called to a defense of their homes rather than the pleasures of a festivity. In a letter on the 27th, that citizen repelled the idea of any peril, but on the 29th he wrote. “We are in danger. Heaven knows whether we are to be captured. All the town is excitement. We know not what to do!" And a friend who, in a letter two days before, declared there was no danger, wrote on that day, “ I avail myself of your kindness to place under your care a box of merchandise, which you will please put in a dry place." Even the city of New York was considered unsafe in the last week June, and for that reason precious things were sent Philadelphia as far as the writer's home, more than seventy miles up the Hudson River.




June 26.

The remainder of Lee's army, under Longstreet and Hill, crossed the

Potomac on the 24th and 25th, concentrated at Hagerstown, and * June, 1863.

pressed on in the path of Ewell toward the Susquehanna. Informed of this passage, Hooker put his own army in motion, and on the 26th and 27th crossed the river at and near Edwards's Ferry, one hundred thousand strong, having been re-enforced from the defenses around Washington, under General Heintzelman, and from Schenck's Middle Department. Wishing still further to increase his army, and regarding the post at Harper's Ferry (then garrisoned, on Maryland Heights, by eleven thousand men, under General French) as of little account in the then state of affairs, asked the

General-in-chief" (Halleck), “Is there any reason why Maryland

IIeights should not be abandoned after the public stores and property are removed ?" Halleck did not approve of the abandonment of the post, and said so, when Hooker, who had the following day personally inspected French's position, again urged the abandonment of it, saying, the garrison was “ of no earthly account then, and that the stores were only "a bait for the rebels, should they return." Expecting a compliance with his wishes, he advanced his army to Frederick, in a position to dart through the South Mountain passes, upon Lee's line of communications, or upon his. columns in retreat, or to follow him on a parallel line toward the Susquehanna. For this purpose he had ordered General Slocum to march his corps to Ilarper's Ferry to join General French, that their united forces might push up the Cumberland Valley and threaten Lee's rear.

But Halleck would not consent to the abandonment of Ilarper's Ferry, and the disappointed and irritated Commander of the Army of the Poto

mac telegraphede to the General-in-Chief, saying, “ Ny original

instructions were to cover Harper's Ferry and Washington, I have now imposed upon me, in addition, an enemy in my front of more than my numbers. I beg to be understood, respectfully, but firmly, that I am unable to comply with these conditions with the means at my disposal; and I earnestly request that I may be at once relieved from the position I occupy." His request was immediately granted, and, by an order issued on the same day, General George G. Meade was directed to assume the command of the army. General Hooker was ordered to Baltimore, there to await commands from the Adjutant-General. Three days passed by, and he heard nothing from Washington, when he proceeded to that city, and was at once arrested by order of Halleck, for visiting the capital without leave, in violation of a rule forbidding officers to do so.

This was the end of General Hooker's services in the Army of the Potomac.

That change of chief commanders, in front of an enemy on the eve of an inevitable great battle, was a perilous thing, calculated to demoralize the best disciplined troops. But the Government trusted the men. The veterans of the Army of the Potomac knew, appreciated, and loved IIooker, and were

¢ June 27.

1 General Heintzelman was in command of the Department of Washington, with about 36,000 men, and Schenck's Department east of the Cumberland, included the posts of Harper's Ferry and Winchester. It was not until Ilooker was about to cross the Potomac that lalleck consented to let hiin have any troops from these Departments. Then he placed the forces in both at his disposal, but only nominally, for, as the text shows, when Hooker was about to use a portion of these troops in the grand movement against the inraders, Halleck interposed his authority and prevented such use.

? Hooker's telegraphic dispatch to Halleck, June 27, 1563.





sadly disappointed, for they knew less of Meade; but, impelled by the love of country, the shadow of regret soon passed from their brows, and they were ready and willing to trust and follow their new commander. To him General Halleck gave permission to use the garrison at Harper's Ferry, according to the dictates of his own judgment. In fact the army was placed under Meade's absolute control, with the assurance of the President that no exercise of executive authority or powers of the Constitution should interfere with his operations in the great emergency. With these extraordinary powers and responsibilities, General Meade prepared to meet General Lee in battle.

On the day when Meade assumed the chief command, Lee,

• June 28, who was about to cross the Susquehanna at Harrisburg, and march on Philadelphia, was alarmed by intelligence of the pres. ence of the Army of the Potomac, in augmented force, threatening his flank and rear, and the demonstrations on his front of the gathering yeomanry of Pennsylvania and troops from other States. He instantly abandoned his scheme of further invasion, and ordered a retrograde movement.

Stuart on the same day crossed the Potomac at Seneca, with a large force of his cavalry, captured men and destroyed property near the river,'and, pushing on to Westminster, at the right of the Army of the Potomac, swept across its front to Carlisle, encountering Kilpatrick on the way, and then followed in the track of Ewell, toward Gettysburg. The latter had been directed to recall his columns, and take position near Gettysburg, the capital of Adams County; and Longstreet and Hill were ordered to cross the South Mountain range in the same direction, and press on by the Chambersburg road, leading through Gettysburg to Baltimore. The object was to keep Meade from Lee's communications, and to concentrate the Confederate Army for either defensive or offensive operations. Lee hoped to be able, by such concentration, to fall upon and crush the Army of the Potomac, and then march in triumph upon Baltimore and Washington. He was nervous about fighting so far from his base, so he chose the vicinity of Gettysburg for that concentration, because, in the event of defeat, he would have a direct line of retreat to the Potomac.

In the mean time General Meade had put his entire army in motion northward from Frederick, for the purpose of arresting the invasion, or meeting and fighting Lee; and General Frenchwas directed to evacuate Harper's Ferry, remove the public property to Washington, and occupy Frederick and the line of the Baltimore and Ohio railway. Meade moved on, but it was not until the evening of the 30th, after two marches, that he received correct information of Lee's move



1 He burned 17 canal boats and a train of 175 army wagons, all laden with public stores.

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