the most perfect example ever set before men, and casts behind him a great temptation as if it were dross-not that he is indifferent to worldly interests, but because he will not debase himself -performs an act of more sublime heroism than the most renowned captain that ever fought a battle and gained a victory.

VII

ANSWERS TO CAMPAIGN QUESTIONS, 1857

THE interrogatories were put to Wilmot by the "American State Council," as a candidate for the governorship of Pennsylvania, early in the canvass, and related to issues then much agitated. (See Chapter XXIX.) The proponents, indeed, were endeavoring to make these issues the basis of a national party organization. They were as follows:

I. Do you hold that in the election or appointment of all officers native-born Americans should be preferred?

2. Are you in favor of the protection of American labor, American rights and American interests?

3. Are you in favor of the purification of the ballot box, a reform in the Naturalization laws, the enactment of a registry law, and the prohibition of foreign paupers and convicts landing on our shores?

4. Are you opposed to any interference of church hierarchies in politics?

5. Are you in favor of free schools for the education of all classes, with the Bible as a textbook used therein?

To these Wilmot replied, under date Towanda, July 10, 1857:

I am requested to answer certain interrogatories propounded to me in pursuance of a resolution of the late Convention held at Altoona.

The history of our State establishes a wise and safe policy in respect to the point embraced in your first interrogatory. It will be found rare indeed, that any except native-born citizens have held high official stations either in the Executive or Judicial department of our State government; and the same class, with comparatively few exceptions, have filled the seats of the Legislative Halls. The naturalized citizen cannot reasonably complain of this

There is nothing in it intolerant or proscriptive; nor will the patriotic and enlightened citizen of foreign birth so regard it. It imposes no legal disqualification. It takes from him no rights. Official station of right belongs to no man. While I would adhere to this policy as one of wisdom and patriotism, no American who properly appreciates his responsibilities, would neglect an inquiry into the character and fitness of candidates presented for his suffrage; nor could he, without betrayal of the best interests of his country, disregard the claims of principle involved in his choice. Thus occasions may arise, when an enlightened and faithful discharge of duty, would demand our suffrages for the naturalized citizen, in preference to one born on our soil. Understanding the spirit of your first proposition as not inconsistent with the views here expressed, I yield it my cordial assent.

"Are you in favor of the protection of American labor, American rights and American interests?"

To this your second interrogatory, I shall content myself with a simple affirmative answer.

The matters embraced in your third interrogatory are of the first importance, and demand the most serious consideration of the patriot and statesman. The boldness and success with which frauds are perpetrated upon the ballot box have become alarming, and unless promptly and effectually checked, must end in the subversion of our system of free government. The form of Liberty may remain, but only as a cheat and mockery, glossing over as cruel a despotism as ever cursed a people. I would sustain with my whole strength any and every measure wisely devised, to preserve the purity of our popular elections. Wilful fraud upon the ballot box, is moral treason against Republican Government; and all duly convicted of being concerned therein, in addition to other penalties, should be forever disqualified from holding office or exercising the elective franchise.

Doubtless our naturalization laws could be so amended as to aid in securing purity and fairness in our elections; but we should not weaken our State sovereignty by looking to the General Government as the great source of reform in this matter. It belongs exclusively to the States to regulate this whole question of suffrage-to prescribe the qualifications of electors—to provide safeguards against frauds and inflict punishment for assaults upon

the integrity of the ballot box. Our own State can not too early or vigorously exert its constitutional authority in respect to these matters, vital as they are to liberty and the existence of free government.

It has ever been a source of just pride to the true American that his country opened an asylum for the oppressed of every land. God forbid that we should be so ungrateful for his blessings as to be unwilling to share them with the honest and industrious of whatever clime or country; but it is an outrage upon our hospitality and a violation of international law, for the Governments of the Old World to ship cargoes of criminals and paupers to our shores. Our Government can not be too vigilant in guarding our rights in this respect.

To your fourth interrogatory, I answer that I am opposed to the interference of hierarchies in politics. The office of a Christian minister is second to no other in dignity and responsibility. I would not detract from his functions nor impair the respect due to his character. I acknowledge his right, and as a teacher of the people I believe it to be his duty, to speak openly and fearlessly against social and political evils, destructive of public morals and at war with the interests and happiness of mankind. In thus publicly speaking, if he transcends the proprieties of his place and office, a safe corrective is found in the censure of an enlightened public. But that a priestly order, invested by the laity with a mysterious sacerdotal character-with pretensions to extraordinary spiritual power-bound together by strong ties and acknowledging as their head a foreign potentate-that such an order should enter the field of politics, control our elections and influence the policy of our government, is surely a cause for alarm and should awaken the jealous vigilance of the American people. It will probably be denied that any such hierarchical influence is brought to bear in our elections. We should judge with candor and not condemn without proof.

We see the American people divided on a momentous issue. The principles of human freedom or bondage are brought in direct conflict. Man's inalienable right to life and liberty is denied. The doctrine is openly asserted by those who hold the government in their hands that God created the mass of mankind to be slaves. In the heat of this great struggle we see the strongest

ties severed the ancient political parties of the country broken and men of every nation and faith divided, save one. The votaries of one church alone are united in political action. This unity in the midst of otherwise universal division is truly most remarkable. From Maine to Texas, from the Atlantic to the Pacific Ocean, in every city, town and hamlet, under whatever circumstances placed, or by whatever influences surrounded, we find the votaries of this church arrayed on the side of slavery. This can not arise from an intelligent assent to the principles of slavery, because those principles would reduce ninety-nine out of every hundred of these men to the condition of slaves. Whence are we to look for the cause of this unity among so many hundreds of thousands scattered over so wide a surface?

We find the votaries of the Catholic Church yield a ready obedience, in all things, to an authority which they have been taught to respect as of God's appointment. The church of their faith advances high and extraordinary claims. It is infallible in doctrine-miracles continue to be wrought within its holy communion—its head is the Apostle to whom was intrusted the keys of heaven. It is a pure hierarchy. The laity have little or no power, all authority being concentrated in the priesthood. Again I ask, whence this unity in political action among the votaries of this church, when every other denomination of Christians is divided? In seeking for an answer to this inquiry, all men will look to the source where the power resides. When the voters of the church of Rome shall exhibit in our political contests the like diversity of views and action that is seen among all other classes of our people, then and not till then, will the public mind be relieved from the suspicion that hierarchical influences are mischievously at work in our politics.

It is idle to evade the point by labored efforts in defense of religious freedom and the rights of conscience. No assault is made upon either. The largest liberty-the broadest toleration, is conceded in matters of religious faith and worship. The ground of complaint lies here-that a hierarchy, invested with peculiar sanctity and powers in the eyes of the laity, should exert a spiritual influence to control our elections, and give to the policy of our Government a direction adverse to the wishes of a majority of the people not within the sphere of such influence. No in