Jersey for Dayton. "About noon on Thursday (May 17), a caucus of the delegations from New Jersey, Pennsylvania, Indiana and Illinois was held at the Briggs House, presided over by Governor Reeder of Pennsylvania." After prolonged discussion it was found that no agreement could then be reached. But a committee of three from each State was appointed which met in the rooms of David Wilmot about six o'clock that evening and remained in session until eleven o'clock, minutely canvassing the entire situation. About ten o'clock the white head of Horace Greeley appeared at the door and inquired if any agreement had been reached, and was told that nothing had been done. Soon after Greeley left, the committee computed as accurately as possible the probable voting strength of the anti-Seward candidates before the convention, and it was found that Lincoln was the strongest, that he could obtain more votes than either Cameron or Dayton. Thereupon, a member from New Jersey offered to urge upon the delegation from that State the wisdom of withdrawing Dayton and supporting Lincoln-provided the Pennsylvania members of the committee would agree to recommend to their State delegation the same action in the case of Cameron. With some reluctance this was finally agreed to, and the committee of twelve adjourned. About one o'clock Friday morning, the New Jersey delegation was brought together in caucus. It was then decided to accept the proposal to support Lincoln after giving a complimentary vote to Dayton on the first ballot. The Pennsylvania delegation met in caucus about nine o'clock Friday morning, and arrived at the same decision with respect to Cameron only a short time before the reassembling of the convention.

So much for Ray's broad outline; and now to look more closely, under Colonel McClure's guidance, into the meeting of the Pennsylvania delegation in David Wilmot's room at the Briggs House:

About one fourth of the delegation were ardently for Cameron; one fourth were willing, though not enthusiastic;

and one half were willing to give a complimentary vote if there was no chance of Cameron's actual nomination. It soon became evident to all that his nomination was not within the bounds of possibility, and by general consent of the leaders on both sides "the delegation was summoned to decide who among the available candidates should be preferred."

The proposal of the anti-Cameron group, decided upon before the general meeting, was for, first, a unanimous vote for Cameron; a second choice for Judge McLean, who was earnestly championed by Thaddeus Stevens, but had no more possible chance than Cameron; the third choice, being the only choice of moment, to be Lincoln. The Cameron men agreed to Cameron and McLean, but wanted Bates for third place, and Lincoln won over Bates in the delegation by only about 6 majority. "Every one understood that the third choice of Pennsylvania was the only one that would command any interest outside of the delegation, and when it was announced that Pennsylvania had declared in favor of Lincoln . . . that action of the delegation decided the nomination of Abraham Lincoln for President." And there can be no doubt about the influence which Wilmot exerted in building up the Lincoln sentiment in his delegation from the little original group of four men, to a majority of six over all opposition. But once converted, the Pennsylvanians "were crazy with delight, and even telegraphed, it was said, to Decatur for the whole fence that old Abe put up, in 1830."

After Wilmot's return to his home he was vilified by the democratic papers of the district for his attendance at the convention, regardless of the fact that more than ample precedent existed for the participation of judges in the political affairs of their party. He was evidently undaunted, for, on June 7, the published announcement of the "Towanda Wide-Awakes" set forth that a meeting would be held at the courthouse, on the 9th, for the purpose of responding to the action of the Chicago convention in placing the standard of republicanism in the hands of Abraham Lincoln. Hannibal Hamlin, Andrew

G. Curtin, David Wilmot and Henry W. Tracy were promised as speakers of the evening, and Wilmot's speech was later described as "brief, forcible and eloquent." The October elections gave Curtin a majority of 32,000, of which the Wilmot district contributed nearly 9,000. It increased this majority to 10,580 for Lincoln in November; and the State of Pennsylvania, which had given Buchanan 83,000 over Fremont, and 1,025 over all opposition, elected Lincoln over all opposition by nearly 60,000 votes.

CHAPTER XXXII

FROM THE THRESHOLD OF LINCOLN'S CABINET TO THE FLOOR

OF THE SENATE

ON December 24 or 25, 1860, a number of eastern dailies (for example, the New York Times, Tribune and Herald) published a dispatch from Springfield which, from the identical wording in all cases, may be presumed to have been of Associated Press origin. It read thus:

Senator Baker, of Oregon, and David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, arrived here from the East this morning. Mr. Baker's visit is of a purely private character.

Mr. Wilmot came by invitation of the President elect, who called upon him at his hotel immediately after his arrival, and spent some five hours with him in the course of the day. It is certain that Mr. Wilmot will represent the republican banner State in the Cabinet, but no definite position is yet assigned to him. He returns to the East this evening.

It is now understood that one after the other of the gentlemen selected for the Cabinet will be summoned hither.

The Times, in an editorial summary of the news, published December 25, repeated that "Mr. Wilmot has been offered a place in the Cabinet, and will undoubtedly represent Pennsylvania in some capacity—what, however, is still enveloped in the mysteries of the future." The Herald, of December 27, reiterated that:

It appears from the Springfield correspondents of various newspapers that "Honest old Abe Lincoln" has pretty well made up his mind in the selection of at least two men for his CabinetEdward Bates, of St. Louis, and Proviso Wilmot, of Pennsylvania. The selection of the first named individual . . . simply means

that Mr. Lincoln recognizes the claims of the Blair family, and the original democratic free-soil wing of the republican campto which the Blairs belong. The selection of Wilmot is another offering to the same branch of the republican household; but it means something more. Wilmot is the real founder of the republican platform of "no more slave Territories, no more slave States," and his patent is dated as far back as 1846, under the name of the Wilmot Proviso.

And again, on January 1, 1861, the Herald, which had installed its own special correspondent in Springfield shortly after the election, detailed the matter more specifically in a letter from that correspondent, dated December 24, 1860:

THE LINCOLN ADMINISTRATION

More Distinguished Arrivals-Visit "by Invitation" of David Wilmot-He will Represent the Keystone State in the Cabinet-Mr. Lincoln's Territorial Policy Foreshadowed.

Springfield, Ill., December 24, 1860.

About two weeks ago I took occasion to state in a letter to the Herald that invitations had been sent out from here to divers political eminences to repair hither for the purpose of both consulting with the President elect on the present condition of public affairs and receiving offers of seats in the Cabinet. The announcement is being rapidly verified. A week since, Mr. Edward Bates made his appearance and was tendered the Secretaryship of the Interior. Last Thursday Thurlow Weed loomed up-to return with the authority to sound certain New York gentlemen as to their willingness to serve, and to-day David Wilmot, of Proviso renown, made his advent, to become the recipient of the flattering offer of a place among Mr. Lincoln's constitutional advisers.

It is evident that, in view of the location in Springfield of the foundation head of Federal patronage, any political personage that undertakes the journey to this place renders himself liable to the imputation of tuft-hunting, and hence it may well be pre