important of which, is resistance to the extension of Slaverynot resistance by mere resolution alone, but by firm and decided action. Of what force are paper resolves, unless they constitute the basis of our action? The resolutions of our last County Convention, and these were regarded as conciliatory, declare that any attempt to impose upon us Slavery propagandism as a test, would be regarded as an invasion of our rights, and a departure from the legitimate objects of party organization. Yet for standing firmly by this, and resisting this test in the organization of the House, I have been so unfortunate as to give cause for my friends to regret my course. What in God's name would they have me do? Bow in humble submission to the cohorts of Slavery? Did you or any friend of mine expect me to support Cobb or Forney? You say that you would like to see me again the candidate of the party for reëlection. Is that possible if my friends consider that I have abandoned the party, or to any extent betrayed its true interest?

If we are not permitted to defend the cause of Freedom upon the same high ground taken by the South in support of Slavery, then we had better surrender at once. The South places Slavery above caucus; if Freedom is to be made subordinate to it, then let us trifle no longer. I decline a conflict upon terms so unequal.

(Here follows a passage declaring the writer's conception of democratic principles and the essence of true fealty to the democratic party and its ideals, already quoted. He continues :)

Buchanan has been in this city for some time, doing all in his power to influence the action of our delegation, and he has succeeded in bringing them into harmonious action with the National party of Slavery, all but Strong, of Berks, and he is assailed in yesterday's Pennsylvanian as an abolitionist. Do you understand this? Strong has kept with the organization, but he voted in favour of Freedom, and therefore is denounced. You cannot fail to see the steps of progress into absolute Slavery propagandism. First you must vote for men opposed to Freedom and then against Freedom itself.

I do not desire to be again a candidate. God knows that I am sick of the reward meted out to him who devotes himself to the

support of a holy and just cause. Distrust, doubt and opposition beset his path. I prefer some other vocation, but while such are my true undisguised feelings, I shall not quietly submit to be crushed and trampled under foot, by as vile a combination as hell itself could hatch. Buchanan would crucify his God to reach the Presidency. He is now bartering away Freedom, selling the interests of humanity to that end, and before he and his vile instruments shall trample me down at home, I shall carry the matter directly to the people. Ward had better feel well of the ground upon which he stands." He will probably have business at Harrisburg, as some matters of legislation will come up in which he is interested.

The story of my connection with C. F. [Charles Francis] Adams and removal to Boston is as idle as the wind. I shall remain in Bradford.

We shall in the end beat down this infernal tyranny of Slavery. Firmness and fidelity is all that is required to a speedy victory. Treason and timidity is what retards and embarrasses the cause of Freedom. The South will resist the admission of California with the same energy and desperation with which they have fought the "Proviso." They are for results, and will be satisfied with none. that does not extend Slavery. Doughfaceism will go with the South, in opposition to California, or in anything else, necessary to secure the favour of the South, and her support to favourite aspirants for the Presidency.

The South demands of candidates acquiescence in the principles of Slavery, and makes that conditional to its support. The North, it seems, will only require that the machinery of organization shall be worked according to usage. I have written in haste and not stopped to think what is writ down. My pen, however, has moved in harmony with my feelings and you may show this to any of my true friends. It discloses my earnest and deep convictions as to our true line of policy-that is, a firm, unwavering support of our principles. For God's sake, do not let the banner of Freedom be struck down in Bradford. Let no friend of mine believe for one moment that I will do anything unbecoming an

11 The reference clearly is to the paper which Buchanan's lieutenants were just establishing in Wilmot's home town, Towanda, for the distinct and declared purpose of crushing him. See Chapter XXIV.

honest man and true democrat. You will confer a great favor by allowing me to take your time by frequent writing. I am anxious to hear often from home.

Truly yours,

D. WILMOT.

Such was the temper and such the vision of the situation in which this member of the House approached the great question that was to occupy the session-the admission of California, and the establishment of government for the rest of the acquired territory. The preceding Congress had evaded it, confining its legislation to the comparatively easy case of Oregon and leaving the rest to the future. And now that future was become the present, and the vexing shadows of the old difficulties loomed larger than ever in the door. The whole fury over the organization of the House had been but a struggle for position in the coming encounter-in the battle between free-soil and slave-soil advocates, for possession of the new accessions to the Union.

CHAPTER XXII

THE CALIFORNIA BILL AND THE COMPROMISES OF 1850

In its larger aspects, the development of the political situation since the adjournment of the Thirtieth Congress had not eased nor simplified the task of its successor in taking up the problems of the new territories. The Polk administration, largely because of the irreconcilable conflict over the principle of the Wilmot Proviso, had left behind it (in the phrase of William O. Stoddard) 1 "an accumulated mass of political material without precedent in the history of the country since the final adjournment of the Continental Congress." In the very front of the working face which must be attacked, were the territorial questions in which slavery problems were imbedded like so much live explosive, and happenings outside the walls of Congress were multiplying, complicating and sharpening the crises to be met.

General Taylor's inaugural address did not indicate any distinct policy, and the personnel of his Cabinet represented a mixture of views and policies toward the great questions of the day. In April, 1849, the President had sent a confidential agent to California to suggest to the people the speedy formation of a State government and constitution, without advising them either way upon their attitude toward slavery. Their State convention met September I and completed its work October 13. The adopted constitution prohibited slavery and received popular ratification by the enormous majority of 12,066 to 811. Taylor had further instructed the military officers in New Mexico to encourage and advance popular movements toward the institution of civil government. "The slave holding interests watched these proceedings with constantly in

1 W. O. Stoddard, The Lives of the Presidents, "Zachary Taylor," p. 85.

creasing alarm. Instead of adding to the strength of the South, they would increase the power of the Free States. It was a terrible shock. The mere anticipation of it brought forth suggestion of desperate remedies." A State convention in Mississippi addressed the southern people proposing a southern popular convention to be held on the first Monday in June, 1849, at Nashville. "The cry of disunion was raised with increasing frequency and violence. . . . Every southern legislature, save one, denounced the exclusion of slavery as a violation of southern rights. Every northern legislature, save one, passed resolutions in favor of the Wilmot Proviso." Calhoun, the most conspicuous leader of southern sentiment at the national capital, applauded the action of Mississippi and urged the rest of the slaveholding states to join in the proposed Nashville convention. Thus he wrote from Fort Hill, June 20, 1849, to J. R. Matthews, of Clarksville, Ga. :

4

3

I am glad to learn that a better state of feeling begins to disclose itself in Georgia. It is high time that they should merge their contests for the spoils and begin to look to their safety and equality as members of the Union. Mississippi . . . has set in this respect a noble example. There both parties have united like true patriots, against the aggression of the North. I regard the call of the Convention, to meet at Nashville in June next, as the most important movement that has yet been made. It is to be hoped that the southern States will respond to the call. In that case the Union may yet be saved. . .

Again, November 1, 1849, he wrote to Herschel V. Johnson :*

move.

I do trust that your State [Virginia] will back the Mississippi If she should, and the other southern States should follow, I feel assured it would do more than anything else to bring the question to a speedy issue.

2 Carl Schurz, Henry Clay, Vol. II, p. 321.

3 Carl Schurz, Henry Clay, Vol. II, p. 321.

Calhoun papers, Manuscripts Division, Library of Congress.