ATTEMPT TO SEPARATE WASHINGTON AND LAFAYETTE. had been for some time forming to my prejudice; which, conscious as I am of having ever done all in my power to answer the important purposes of the trust reposed in me, could not but give me some pain on a personal account. But my chief concern arises from an apprehension of the dangerous consequences which intestine dissensions may produce to the common cause. "As I have no other view than to promote the public good, and am unambitious of honors not founded in the approbation of my country, I would not desire in the least degree to suppress a free spirit of inquiry into any part of my conduct, that even faction itself may deem reprehensible. The anonymous paper handed to you, exhibits many serious charges, and it is my wish that it should be submitted to Congress. This I am the more inclined to, as the suppression or concealment may possibly involve you in embarrassments hereafter, since it is uncertain how many, or who, may be privy to the contents. "My enemies take an ungenerous advantage of me. They know the delicacy of my situation, and that motives of policy deprive me of the defence I might otherwise make against their insidious attacks. They know I cannot combat their insinuations, however, injurious, without disclosing secrets, which it is of the utmost moment to conceal. But why should I expect to be exempt from censure, the unfailing lot of an elevated station? Merit and talents, with which I can have no pretensions of rivalship, have ever been subject to it. My heart tells me, that it has been my unremitted aim to do the best that circumstances would permit; yet I may have been very often mistaken in the judgment of the means, and may in many instances deserve the imputation of error."* Thus it was evident, not only from the operations of the Cabal, but also from the proceedings of Congress for some time prior to this, that a large number of the members of that body had in some way loaned their influence to the disgraceful conspiracy against Washington's name. Furthermore, the appointment of a new * Sparks, Life of Washington, p. 233. See also Washington's reply to Patrick Henry, who also sent him a copy of this letter. Henry, Life of Patrick Henry, vol. i., pp. 549–551. 81 Board of War, of which Gates and Mifflin were members, was not calculated to allay Washington's distrust as to the sentiments of Congress; for, as we have said before, Washington knew that both of these officers were his enemies, and that if they possessed supreme power over the Continental armies he was likely to be removed. One of the first steps in their plan thoroughly to disgust Washington was to make preparations for future operations without consulting the commander-in-chief. They proposed also an expedition to subjugate Canada, probably more to separate Lafayette and Washington than for any other purpose, because while Lafayette was near the commander-in-chief, there was little hope that any of their bold designs could be successfully consummated without his knowledge. In order to separate the two, therefore, Lafayette was placed in command of this expedition upon rosy promises of large reinforcements. After a long and earnest consultation with Washington, Lafayette accepted the commission, but much to his disgust he found the army in a wretched condition, while the aid promised by Congress failed to materialize. The expedition was therefore abandoned and after several months of comparative idleness, Lafayette returned to headquarters at Valley Forge in April, 1778.* The *For details, see Tower, Marquis de La Fayette, vol. i., pp. 271-291. See also Lossing, FieldBook of the Revolution, vol. ii., p. 133 et seq.; 82 ATTEMPTS TO INVOLVE OTHERS IN CABAL. purpose of the Cabal to place Washington in such a position that he would become disgusted and resign, was now clearly evident. Washington, however, was not to be thrust aside thus easily.* Writing to William Gordon, he said: "I can assure you that no person ever heard me drop an expression that had a tendency to resignation. The same principles that led me to embark in the opposition to the arbitrary claims of Great Britain, operate with additional force at this day; nor is it my desire to withdraw my services, while they are considered of importance in the present contest; but to report a design of this kind, is among the arts which those who are endeavoring to effect a change, are practicing to bring it to pass. I have said, and I still do say, that there is not an officer in the United States, that would return to the sweets of domestic life with more heart-felt joy than I should. But I would have this declaration accompanied by these sentiments, that while the public are satisfied with my endeavors, I mean not to shrink from the cause; but the moment her voice, not that of faction, calls upon me to resign, I shall do it with as much pleasure as ever the weary traveller retired to rest." † Lafayette also could not be flattered or cajoled into joining the Cabal. He absolutely refused to have anything to do with it. Writing to Washington, he said: "I am now fixed to your fate, and I shall follow it, and sustain it, as well by my sword, as by all the means in my power." The army as a whole was highly indignant at the designs of the Cabal against Washington. Kapp, Life of Kalb, p. 149 et seq.; Sparks, Life of Washington, p. 250 et seq.; Lodge, George Washington, vol. i., p. 216 et seq. * See the letter to James Lovell, quoted in Irving, Life of Washington, vol. iii., pp. 336–337. Bancroft, vol. v., p. 216. Tower, Marquis de La Fayette, vol. i., p. 263. Realizing that Washington knew of their designs, the members of the Cabal denied Cabal denied any such intentions, Gates and Mifflin being particularly strong in their denials. Their letters are quoted by Gordon.* Conway also made an attempt to exonerate himself, but it seems a well-established fact that Gates and Mifflin were cognizant of the Cabal's machinations and were prepared to profit by it. At a conference between Gates and General Morgan after Burgoyne's surrender, Gates asserted confidentially that the army was becoming dissatisfied with Washington's conduct, that Washington's reputation was rapidly declining, and that a number of the chief army officers were threatening to resign unless a change were made in that department. Morgan instantly understood the intention of Gates, and as he thought highly of Washington, replied follows: Sir, I have one favor to ask. Never again mention to me this hateful subject; under no other man but General Washington, as commander-in-chief, will I ever serve." From that time a coolness existed between Morgan and Gafes, and in the final account of the victory at Saratoga Gates failed to mention Morgan's name, though 66 as Gordon, however, was on terms of intimate friendship with Gates, and this may, in some way, account for his unwillingness to believe his friend guilty of such dishonorable conduct and his desire to quote letters favorable to Gates. See also the footnote in Lossing, Field-Book of the Revolu tion, vol. ii., p. 134. END OF THE CABAL. undoubtedly that officer had contributed largely to the result of the battle.* 83 and esteem of these States, whose liberties you have asserted by your virtues." * Thus Conway's Cabal came to an end which was not only timely, but also fortunate to the patriotic cause. Washington's conduct throughout the whole affair was marked with moderation, self-command, and nobility.† General Conway was soon brought to a realization that the army would not countenance his actions. He had never been popular with the majority of the soldiers, and when it became known that he had endeavored to displace Washington, he was challenged to a duel by General Cadwalader. Despite Washington's remonstrances, this duel was fought July 4, 1778, and Conway was wounded.+ Supposing Gordon, American Revolution, vol. iii., pp. 44, 54 that his wound was mortal, Conway was struck with sudden remorse, and wrote the following letter to Washington: "I find myself just able to hold the pen during a few minutes, and take this opportunity of expressing my sincere grief for having done, written, or said any thing disagreeable to your Excellency. My career will soon be over; therefore, justice and truth prompt me to declare my last sentiments. You are, in my eyes, the great and good man. May you long enjoy the love, veneration, See Thacher, Military Journal, p. 129, note; Hildreth, vol. iii., pp. 232-237; Bancroft, vol. v., pp. 210-217; Fiske, American Revolution, vol. ii., pp. 32-46; Johnson, Life of Greene, vol. i., pp. 154, 166; Greene, Life of Greene, vol. ii., pp. 1-40; (ed. 1788); Fisher, Struggle for American Independence, vol. ii., pp. 127-132; Trevelyan, American Revolution, pp. 307-319. Mr. Irving gives the following anecdote, furnished to him by Judge Jay: "Shortly before the death of John Adams, I was sitting alone with my father, conversing about the American Revolution. Suddenly he remarked, 'Ah, William! the history of that Revolution will never be known. Nobody now alive knows it but John Adams and myself.' Surprised at such a declaration, I asked him to what he referred: He briefly replied: The proceedings of the old Congress.' Again I inquired, 'What proceedings?' He answered, 'Those against Washington; from first to last there was a most bitter party against him.'" As the old Congress held its sessions with closed doors, nothing was made public but what that body saw fit to disclose. Irving, Life of Wash ington, vol. iii., p. 397. 84 COMMITTEE OF SECRET CORRESPONDENCE APPOINTED, CHAPTER XIX. 1776-1778. FOREIGN AFFAIRS: FRENCH ALLIANCE: CONCILIATION ATTEMPTED. Committee of Secret Correspondence appointed — Franklin's letter to Dumas Views in Congress regarding foreign intercourse The Department of Foreign Affairs organized - Deane sent to France- Attitude of France toward the United Colonies - Vergennes declines to commit himself — Aid given by Beaumarchais Great Britain protests at conduct of France Formal treaty with France drafted - Commissioners to France appointed - Their letter of credence and instructions - Commissioners sent to other foreign countries - Inducements held out to France The Situation in England-King's speech to Parliament Effect of victory at Saratoga upon sentiment in Europe- Ministerial measures carried in Parliament Conciliation bills introduced - Treaty of commerce and alliance with France signed — Joy caused by treaty - Address of Congress to the inhabitants of the United States - British peace commissioners arrive in America The failure of their mission. to By the terms of the Articles of Confederation, the Continental Congress was empowered to make peace, to declare war, to to send and receive ambassadors, and to make treaties and alliances, but it could only enter upon the latter with the assent of nine of the thirteen States. Originally the Confederation had no executive officers, and its business was conducted through committees. For the purpose of conducting foreign intercourse, on November 29, 1775, a "Committee of Secret Correspondence was appointed, consisting of Benjamin Harrison, John Jay, Johnson, Dickinson, and Franklin; this committee being appointed for the purpose of holding secret correspondence with the friends of America, "in Great Britain, Ireland and other parts of the world."* The chief *Bancroft, vol. iv., p. 362; John Adams, Works, vol. i., pp., 202–203, vol. iii., p. 3; Weld, Life of Franklin, p. 475; Parton, Life of Franklin, vol. ii., p. 111; John Bassett Moore, American Diplo object in view was to sound the principal nations of Europe, particularly France and Spain, in regard to American affairs. Shortly after his appointment, Franklin wrote a letter to Charles W. F. Dumas* in Holland as to the prospect of obtaining aid in that country for the American cause. He said: "That you may be better enabled to answer some questions which will probably be put to you, concerning our present situation, we inform you, that the whole continent is firmly united — the party for the measures of the British ministry being very small, and much dispersed; that we had on foot the last campaign, an army of nearly twenty thousand men, wherewith we have been able, not only to block the king's army in Boston, but to spare considerable detachments for the invasion of Canada, where we have met with great success, as the printed papers sent herewith will inform you, and have now reason to expect the whole province may be soon in our possession; that we purpose greatly to increase our force for the ensuing year; and thereby we hope, with the assistance of a well disciplined militia, to be able macy, Its Spirit and Achievements, pp. ix., 5; Hart, Foundations of American Foreign Policy, p. 15; Pellew, John Jay, p. 49. * For the services of this man see Moore, American Diplomacy, pp. 23-25. VIEWS REGARDING FOREIGN INTERCOURSE. to defend our coast, notwithstanding its great extent; that we already have a small squadron of armed vessels, to protect our coasting trade, who have had some success in taking several of the enemy's cruizers, and some of their transport vessels and stores." * It was certain that the Declaration of Independence would involve an appeal to the nations of Europe for countenance and aid. It was not only a challenge to Great Britain, but an assertion by the colonies of their right to an independent place among the world's powers, and an appeal to the powers to recognize the justice of their claim. A new field was therefore opened for the energies of Congress beside the contest of arms in which the colonies had engaged with the mother country, and a new relation was to be sustained toward the governments of Europe. Among the members of Congress there were two views regarding foreign intercourse. One was that no minister should be sent to foreign courts until assurances were given by the latter that our ministers would be well received; and the other, that for attaining independence we should seek to establish good relations, if not alliances, with the nations unfriendly to England. Franklin had said "A virgin state should preserve a virgin character, and not go abroad suitoring for alliances; but wait with decent dignity for the application of others." On the other hand, John Adams said, "I think we have not meanly solicited for friendships *See also Parton, Life of Franklin, vol. ii., p. 112. 85 anywhere. But to send ministers to any great court in Europe, especially the maritime courts, to propose an acknowledgment of the independence of America and treaties of amity and commerce, is no more than becomes us, and in my opinion is our duty to do. 99* The conduct of foreign relations through a committee, however, did not prove satisfactory, chiefly because the members did not attend to their business. One of the members said: "There is really no such thing as a Committee of Foreign Affairs existing- no secretary or clerk further than I persevere to be one and the other. The books and the papers of that extinguished body lay yet on the table of Congress, or rather are locked up in the secretary's private box." Congress thereupon appointed a committee to prepare a plan for the organization of the department, and in this plan the committee states: "That the extent and rising power of the United States entitle them to a place among the great potentates of Europe, while our political and commercial interests point out the propriety of cultivating with them a friendly correspondence and connection. That, to render such an intercourse advantageous, the necessity of competent knowledge of the interests, views, relations and systems of those potentates, is obvious. *Trescot, Diplomacy of the Revolution, pp. 1617. See also John Adams, Works, vol. i., pp. 199-201. |