have a common hope, a common interest and a common destiny.

Friends, Mexicans, World-Countrymen:

You and the rest of the seventy-five thousand refugees in California are our nation's guests. Through cruel fate you are here, but you honor us by your presence. I speak not only my sentiments but the sentiments of all good Americans, when I extend you greetings and cordial hospitality. The sunshine and flowers of California we gladly share with you. As you would say to me, if I were in Mexico as your guest, our homes and all they hold are yours. In memory you will revert to

"The fairy haunts of long lost hours;"

in the present I would that you might dwell in the gardens of "auspicious hope." I would that you might always remain with us, but you will return to the country of surpassing beauty, of wonderful history; to

"Society, Friendship and Love, Divinely bestowed upon man;" to the country of your birth, to the country you love as you life.

love your

"Such is the Patriot's boast, where e're we roam,

His first best country ever is at home."

I assume that I, an American, am talking to you as Mexicans, and through you to your countrymen,-possibly to a few of my fellow-countrymen. As one whose language is not yours, who worships at another shrine, and pays homage to another flag, may I speak as a friend, and speak plainly? The world outside of Mexico has produced no greater intellects than has Mexico, no greater patriots, no

greater diplomats, no higher culture; the most deplorable of all Mexico's woes is the illiteracy of her masses.

As Mexicans, would you agree with me that some of Mexico's leading citizens have not shown the proper spirit of amity; have not at all times exercised due patience; have not extended the hand of cordial fellowship in our international relations, but have encouraged antagonisms not in accord with the spirit of historic friendship between the two sister nations?

As an American, I might admit that Diaz would not have become an exile had he continued to have the moral support of our peoples; I might admit that the Madero revolution was financed on this side of the border-line; I might admit that there is an ulterior motive in the conduct of certain of our citizens seeming to promote and to perpetuate the rebellion; I might admit that no one who knows dares now proclaim the secret plottings in countries foreign to Mexico, plottings that have made possible Mexico's woes; I might admit that Huerta is a patriot, a military genius, and as President should have been recognized; I might admit as unwise the President's insistence that Mexico must conform to his theory of a "Constitutional Government"; I might admit that a national American policy, alternating in the interest of the various warring factions, has been subversive of political unity in Mexico; I might admit that many of our national Mexican policies have been dispiriting to Mexico's hope for peace and prosperity; but I cannot admit that there is any motive, other than a good motive, in the attitude of this government towards the Mexican government. The Mexican policies of Taft and Wilson in international relations

between the two republics will be of interest, principally to the historian of the future; whether good or bad, for the present, "let the dead past bury its dead."

I think you appreciate, as I do, that the successful Mexican Administration should have, must have, the moral support of the American Administration. One of Mexico's leading Generals reads, I think, from the "handwriting on the wall" when he says: "No faction will ever win out without first having been recognized by the United States." Call it recognition, call it good offices, call it intervention, call it what you will,-I think I read the Mexican mind when I assert that Mexico cares little through what influence honorable peace is obtained; cares less from what faction a capable President comes, and from what faction comes a body of intelligent legislators. Within the past four years I know that hundreds of great, benevolent Mexican minds have visited Los Angeles, New York and Washington to exert influence in this government for intervention. Mexico wants intervention. Mexico wants intervention, not invasion. Mexico wants the intervention of a friend, not a foe; the intervention of a benefactor, not a destroyer; the intervention of one who would have intelligence rule, and not ignorance. What Mexico does not want is intervention for conquest, intervention for the exploitation of her wealth in the interest of the foreigner. Nor would she have intervention, similar to that of half a century ago in our southland, that would take the governmental power from intelligence and place it in the control of ignorance; that would subject three millions of highly educated Mexicans to the domination of twelve millions of political incompetents.