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prise could not be effected by a corporation, and that the road when completed should pass into the hands of the state, like the Erie Canal, for the public benefit. His vote being misrepresented in the election of 1834, he corrected the error in a letter to a committee,* declaring himself unreservedly in favor of that great work. As he had predicted, the enterprise languished until 1837, when it was abandoned by the regency and its party in the legislature. It was still sustained by the whig majority in the Assembly, whose policy, however, was rejected by a regency Senate.

A convention of the friends of the railroad was held at Elmira on the 17th of October, 1837, at which Mr. Seward was present. He was the first citizen, living in a portion of the state not immediately interested in the enterprise, who gave it his personal support. At the request of the convention, he prepared an address on the subject to the people of the state of New York, in which he gave a brief history of the road, and urged the adoption. of efficient measures for its speedy completion. He placed the resumption of the work on the same broad principles of policy which pervaded his subsequent administration. On the strength of such reasonings, the whig party throughout the state gradually yielded their aid to the project, and at length rejoiced in the completion of the truly magnificent structure.

At the Whig State Convention in 1838, the names of William H. Seward and Luther Bradish were presented to the electors of the state for governor and lieutenant-governor. The previous defeat of Mr. Seward had not in the least degree weakened the confidence of his friends. They knew that it was not owing to personal causes, but to the position of parties; and hence were anxious again to present his claims for the suffrages of the people. Great importance was attached to the election by both political parties, on account of its bearing on the presidential campaign of 1840. The canvass labored under peculiar difficulties. During a season of great pecuniary embarrassment, Mr. Seward had conducted the affairs of the Holland Land Company to the eve of a prosperous close. His agency in Chautauque county had been managed with discretion and kindness; but it did not fail to be used by his political opponents as an instrument of reproach. Hoping to alienate the whigs from their favorite candidate, they charged him with fraud, injustice and oppression, in his treatment *See Vol. III, p. 417. + See Vol. III, p. 306.

of the settlers, averring that he had employed his official power in the agency for his own private emolument, and the benefit of land speculators. Mr. Seward was silent in regard to these calumnies, until they had awakened a painful anxiety toward the close of the canvass. He then published his letter to the citizens of Chautauque county,* which, by its clear and cogent statements, put an effectual stop to the slanders that were in circulation and gave him popular strength never enjoyed before.

The slavery question was another perplexing element in this canvass. The yet distant prospect of the annexation of Texas was viewed with alarm by the friends of liberty at the North. It renewed the discussion of slavery, which had not entered into political movements since the Missouri Compromise in 1820. A portion of the citizens of New York, headed by William Jay and Gerrit Smith, had addressed letters to the several candidates for office, intended to draw out their views on the subject of slavery. The mass of all parties regarded this course of action with profound disgust. The candidates of the regency party did not hesitate to give a negative answer to the questions that had been propounded. The whigs were thought to be placed in an inconvenient dilemma. Mr. Seward's answert was at once frank and sagacious. While he expressed without reserve his devotion to human freedom, he limited his aims by a regard to prevailing opinions, and a sense of what was practicable in the attainment of right. His reply did not compromise his popularity, as had been hoped by his oppo

nents.

The election was warmly contested. With the regency the struggle was for life or death. No measures were neglected on their part to defeat the candidates of the whigs. Every species of ojection was urged against Mr. Seward. The gravest and the most trivial charges were alike brought to bear on the canvass. Among other things he was accused of the "atrocious crime " of being a young man, as he was but thirty-three when first nominated for governor, and at this time but thirty-seven. The election took place in November, and in spite of unexpected disasters to the whig cause in all other states, the "young man" was triumphantly elected. Mr. Seward's majority reached to 10,421. The whig party carried the state in every department, and secured a complete ascendancy of political power. + See Vol. III. p. 426.

* See Vol. III. p. 457.

Mr. Seward was the first whig governor of New York. With the exception of De Witt Clinton, he was the only one who had ever been elected in opposition to the Albany regency. The party which had virtually dictated the policy of the state for nearly fifty years was thus effectually destroyed, and a new development of principles was to be realized under the administration of William H. Seward. In entering upon the executive office, Gov. Seward was surrounded with peculiar difficulties. The business of the country had been prostrated by the revulsions of 1836. His political friends looked with confidence to his administration for the financial relief of the public. The whigs, moreover, were in power for the first time. Numerous and excited applicants eagerly pressed their claims for office. In this crisis, Gov. Seward conducted with great moderation and impartiality. Cautious in making promises, he rejected no application without substantial reasons, which he never took pains to conceal. His frankness in rendering all necessary explanations to a disappointed candidate was equal to the wise reserve with which he abstained from giving undue encouragement.* In this judicious course, however, he did not avoid offence. Applicants were more numerous than offices. Of course, some must be disappointed. And of these some rallied around rival statesmen. Gov. Seward thus incurred the opposition of several prominent members of the whig party, who, naturally enough, adopted principles different from his own.

Nor did his election bring the political contest in the state of New York to a close. An important battle had been won, but the campaign was not completed. Never did party zeal run to a greater height, than during the period of his administration. In describing his official career, we shall do little more than indicate the principles by which it was inspired, as delivered in his messages, and other executive papers.

Among the measures to which the attention of Gov. Seward was early directed, was the completion of a lunatic asylum, and the adoption of a judicious and humane system for the treatment of the insane. Before his retirement from office, his suggestions in this behalf were carried into successful operation. Frequently visiting this and other charities of the state, he recommended them to the patronage of the legislature, as well by his example as his counsels.

* See Official Correspondence, Vol. II, p. 589.

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In the exercise of the pardoning power, Gov. Seward exercised we think, a greater degree of wisdom than most of his predecessors. At the same time he labored for the introduction of milder forms of punishment in the penitentiaries, substituting moral discipline for the lash. These reforms were afterward adopted by the legislature.

The interests of agriculture always received the fostering care of Gov. Seward. He was anxious for the establishment of an agricultural department in the state, with a view to the especial promotion of that important source of public prosperity. His efforts for that measure, however, were not seconded by the legislature, and have remained to this day without direct fruit.

Upon the accession of Gov. Seward to office, the system of normal schools in connexion with academies and common school libraries, had been partially established. These measures received his cordial and efficient support. At his suggestion, a system of visitation and inspection of common schools was adopted by the legislature, although it has failed to be carried into full effect, much to the detriment of the cause of popular education.

In his messages, Gov. Seward took the ground that the welfare of the state demanded the education of all its children,* not as a matter of charity, but of justice and public safety. The defects in the public schools of New York city led him to recommend a modification of the system, and the ultimate substitution of the plan which prevailed in the rest of the state. A prejudice, partaking both of a national and religious character, had come down from the colonial period against foreigners, and especially against catholics. It was this class of the population that would be most directly benefited by the change in the city schools. It was proposed to admit catholic teachers with the same facilities as others. An alarm was at once raised throughout the state. The protestant cause was declared to be in danger, from the undue ascendancy of the catholics. Religious bigotry was thus excited. The hostility, both of protestant clergy and laity, was arrayed against the gov He was labeled in effigy in New York. The press teemed with abuse of his person and measures. Meantime his political opponents, who had always professed to be more friendly to foreigners and catholics than the whigs, did not fail to take advantage of the popular jealousy for the promotion of their views. The

ernor.

* See Annual Message, Vol. II. pp. 206, 216.

whigs, on the other hand, who were accustomed to contend with naturalized foreigners at the polls, were unwilling to accord them any privileges. Between the two parties, Gov. Seward was obliged to maintain the contemplated reform on its own merits. His influence was greatly impaired by the general impression that the measures in question were not only untenable in themselves, but, that they had their origin in sinister political purposes. This impression, however, was wholly unfounded, and did great injustice to Gov. Seward. His efforts in behalf of the children of catholics sprung from a deep conviction of the importance of education to all men, without regard to condition or circumstances.* During his travels in Ireland in 1833, he saw the effect of British policy in depriving the catholic population of the means of instruction. The people, thus kept in abject ignorance, were more easily made the victims of oppression and tyranny, and more liable to become seditious and treasonable. This spectacle produced a strong impression on his mind. He became anxious that the catholics in America should be put in possession of the advantages of education, and so be assimilated to the native population. +

The controversy on the school question continued throughout the whole of Gov. Seward's administration. It affected his populari'y so much as to deprive him of about 2,000 votes on his re-election. The result, however, has shown his far-reaching sagacity. Like many other measures proposed by Gov. Seward, this was in advance of public opinion, but has since commended itself to the good sense of the people. At the first session of the legislature, after his retirement from office, his plan for the education of all classes of children, not excluding those of foreigners and catholics, was adopted by decisive majorities. No doubt has since arisen as to the utility of the measure, except on the part of those whose religious scruples had led them to decline a participation in its advantages.‡

Along with these efforts of Gov. Seward in behalf of educational reform, he was also actively engaged in the removal of the prejudices between native Americans and adopted citizens. His recommendations to successive legislatures for abolishing the legal

* See General Correspondence. Letters to Bishop Hughes and others, Vol. III. See letters from Europe, Vol. III.

Gov. Seward's attention was first called to this question by the fact that the annual school returns from New York showed that there were about 25,000 children in that city who did not attend school, and were thus left exposed to the allurements of vice and crime.

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