THE PRESIDENT. The Senator understands the question before the Senate, does he not?

MR. SEWARD. Certainly, sir, I do. I am speaking of the fugitive slave bill of the last session, which is the subject of the present memorial; a law which attempted, by very rigorous enactments, to enforce upon the free states of this Union the domestic and social economy of the slave states; an experiment which, I believe, has reacted, and will continue to react, upon the institution of slavery itself. It is of the same class of legislation as that which demanded in Great Britain a conformity in religion on the part of the catholic population of Ireland to the protestant ceremonies and the religion of England. I believe such experiments will fail, and I believe so because they are not founded in true political philosophy, in what constitutes the true political philosophy of this government, which should treat the states of this Union as being intrusted with the management of their own domestic concerns, and should leave the sentiments, and, as far as possible, the domestic institutions of the states to the care of the states themselves, and, where uniformity cannot be compelled, should be content without exacting entire harmony.

Whether these petitions are now referred and considered, or whether they shall be allowed to accumulate, as they will, in my humble judgment, continue to accumulate from session to session, the result will be that those who flatter themselves that they have arrested agitation will find that they have, by this very course, increased the agitation which was their object to allay."

I may say this, sir, I am sure, because, although I have been distinguished on some occasions by the epithet of agitator, I happen to be at least one of the members of this body-how many others there are I do not know-who never introduce this agitating subject of slavery here, who have been content with the debates which were had upon it, when it came legitimately before us in the form of bills requiring debate; bills which, in the process of legislation, became, or might become laws. I am one who has never spoken on the subject in this house since the bills referred to became laws, and of whom it cannot be said that I have on any occasion, by speech, writing, or otherwise, addressed the people on the subject since those bills became laws. Sir, I claim then to be one of those who have been content to leave these measures to the scrutiny of the people, and to abide their judgment and the

test of time and truth. I have added no codicils, and have none to add, to vary, enforce, or explain what I had occasion to say during the debates on these questions. Having thus no desire to interfere with the public investigation of these questions in any manner, but content to leave them to the examination of the people without interference on my own part, I may certainly be allowed to express my feelings on the present question. And I do therefore express my desire that the right of petition, whatever else we may do, may be respected and held sacred here; and for that reason especially, as well as for the others already stated, I shall vote against the reconsideration.

PENSION TO THE WIDOW OF GEN. WORTH.*

DECEMBER 17, 1851.

Ir it were possible to frame a general law embracing cases so meritorious as this, and no others, I would agree with the honorable Senator from Kentucky. But I despair of ever seeing any such law; and because it is only by special legislation that we can obtain the attention of Congress to a case so peculiarly meritorious as this, and because other applications, less meritorious in their character than this, would often obtain an equal consideration under any general law, I think it is right, and proper, and wise, to consider these cases separately. I think it just to single out for favor such as come recommended to the consideration of the government by the magnitude and heroism of services rendered, and the destitution of families bereaved.

Those cases which have not merit will undoubtedly fail by the way. I therefore cordially support the proposition contained in the bill. I shall record my vote for it now, and I shall be equally happy to record it on its final passage.

* Remarks on the bill granting a pension to the widow of General Worth, who fell in the war with Mexico, May 7, 1849.

COLLINS STEAMERS.

MARCH 1, 1852.

I DESIRE to submit the motion that when the Senate adjourns today, it adjourn to meet on Wednesday. The ground of the motion s, that a steamship, which is very interesting in its connection. with the commerce of the country and with questions which are before Congress, is in our port, and that Congress has been invited, I understand, to visit it to-morrow. I believe the time would be well spent, under these circumstances, and I submit the motion.

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Mr. President, it is of course for every senator to determine for himself what susceptibility he has to improper influences; but it is not for one senator to determine for others. Now, I have no doubt that the honorable Senator from Arkansas, and that every senator here, is capable of examining the steamship Baltic, and even of receiving hospitalities on board of her, if such are proffered, without at all compromitting, in his own mind, the views which he thinks ought to govern him in regard to appropriations from the public treasury. Such a thought never occurred to me. I have no opinion made up in regard to any claim upon Congress in regard to appropriations for this, or any other line of steamers; but I am willing to be informed; I am willing to learn; and I do admit this fact in regard to this question, (if it be proper to go into the merits of a question before Congress on such a motion as this), that the country has a right, at a crisis of deep and exciting interest in regard to the commerce of the country, to demand that we should determine the question whether we shall secure the commercial ascendency of the world, or shall suffer it to pass from our grasp. The question is one in which the nation has a deep interest. I am desirous, for one, that those who have

called our attention to this subject shall receive every proper consideration, and that they should have an opportunity of presenting their claims in the most favorable manner possible.

So far as the argument of my honorable friend from Pennsylvania is concerned, I can say to him that I have no such preference for one interest over another as could sway my judgment in favor of a commercial to the prejudice of a manufacturing interest; and that, of all others, the measure which I would support with the utmost cordiality, would be a measure for the protection and relief of the iron manufacturers. It is indeed not possible for the manufactories and furnaces to be removed here, and Congress visit them here; therefore it will give me great pleasure to go with him to examine the condition of those manufactories in his state, as it has always given me great pleasure to see such manufactories flourishing in my own.

STEAMERS TO HAMBURG.

MARCH 23, 1852.

MR. PRESIDENT: I present the petition of C. Hansen, of the city of Brooklyn, in the state of New York, who proposes that, with the consent and patronage of Congress, he will establish a line of steamers from that city via Rotterdam, in the Netherlands, to Gluckstadt, in Holstein, on the River Elbe, near Hamburg, so as to make semi-monthly passages for the transportation of mails, passengers, and freight. He offers to build four steamers, each of two thousand tons. The first two to be completed in two years, and the two others in three years. He asks Congress to pay him $100,000 per annum for the first three years, $85,000 for the next three years, and 75,000 for the last four years, for each vessel in

active service.

The first benefit which the United States would derive, would be the establishment of semi-monthly mails, which in time would remunerate the government. The German population already in the United States is estimated at five millions, and it is increasing at the rate of more than one hundred thousand a year.

The next

benefit to the government would be an increase of the naval steam marine, since the United States would have the right to take the vessels at any time at cost. A third advantage which would accrue to the country would be the substitution of safe, wholesome, and speedy American steam-vessels for the importation of emigrants, in place of the small, uncomfortable, and unhealthy sailing vessels of Hamburg, Rotterdam, and Antwerp. The new line would receive the trade of the three great rivers of continental Europe; the Elbe, Weser, and the Rhine. The fourth and capital advantage which it would secure would be the direct carrying trade and navigation with central continental Europe, which is now nearly engrossed by foreigners. The entire tonnage, inward and outward, in the trade of the United States and the Hanse Towns, in a single year, belonging to foreigners, is a hundred and eighty-three thousand tons.

The entire tonnage owned by Americans within the same period, was forty thousand tons. The value of the freights received during the same period by foreigners, was $1,470,000, while the value of the freights received by the Americans was only $384,000, showing that the trade, as now carried on, is worth $1,000,000, all of which, by the adoption of this enterprise, might be secured for ourselves. I remark, once more, that this great trade is carried on chiefly by British merchants. Nine-tenths of the American cotton consumed in continental Europe, is shipped first to England, and thence is carried to the continent, thus subjecting us to a large tribute in the way of expenses and commissions paid to English merchants. The enterprise connects itself, of course, with the present Bremen line, and these two lines would enable us to take control of a trade which at present we only divide with foreigners at great disadvantage to ourselves.

The petition is sustained by documents and references which I commend to the most favorable consideration of the Committee on the Post Office and Post Roads, to which I beg leave to refer the whole subject.