cession; for the rights of the states are secured by the Constitution. There are several grants which, it has been seen, are expressed in different forms. It is not the form employed in any one of the grants, but the general spirit and effect of them all, that explain and define the power conveyed. New York, Massachusetts, and Connecticut, release, by language broad and comprehensive. They conveyed "for the benefit of the United States." Virginia and other states amplified, but manifestly for the purpose of expressing the same meaning more fully. They granted "for the use and benefit of the United States," and declared that the estate and jurisdiction conferred should "be considered as a common fund of all the states, according to their usual respective proportions in the general charge and expenditure, and should be faithfully and bona fide disposed of for that purpose, and for no other purpose whatsoever." This language was adopted with reference to the then existing articles of confederation, under which the states were charged with contributions for the support of the federal government, which system was afterwards modified by the Constitution of the United States, so as to dispense with contributions from the states, and invest Congress with power of taxation upon imposts, and of direct taxation, according to representative population. Certainly the terms of these grants were not intended to confine Congress to a disposition of the lands by sale only: Because, first, they expressed no such thing; and because, secondly, the political jurisdiction, as well as the right of soil, were included in the designation of "a common fund."

Again: It would be practically impossible, under any system whatever, to secure equal benefits from the domain to all the states. If you sell the lands in Ohio, you may divide the avails between that state and all her sister states, but the land will still remain, yielding power and wealth, directly to Ohio, forever; while the other states can be only indirectly recipients of such benefits.

What was intended then was simply this: that whatever disposition Congress should make of the domain, should be one purely national and impartial. It seems to me to mean nothing more, and the Constitution expresses that meaning fully. If, then, the adoption of such principles as I have discussed has become necessary already, or shall hereafter become necessary, the policy would

then be a proper exercise of the constitutional power, and would fall within the trust as defined by the deeds of cession.

This is a subject of vast importance. It reaches across the whole basis of the great empire which is rising on this continent, and forward through all the stages of its elevation, and even of its decline and fall, if it shall not be perpetual. Posterity, and perhaps the civilized world, will review our decisions in the light reflected on them by their broad and lasting consequences. May they be such as will safely abide so severe and so impartial a scrutiny

WELCOME TO LOUIS KOSSUTA.

DECEMBER 9, 1851.

THE following joint resolution, submitted by Mr. SEWARD, was under considera

tion.

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States in Congress assembled, That the Congress of the United States, in the name and behalf of the people of the United States, give to Louis Kossuth a cordial welcome to the capital and to the country; and that a copy of this resolution be transmitted to him by the President of the United States.

Mr. PRESIDENT: I have said that I should refrain from discussing this question on its merits at the present time. I will advert simply to the circumstances under which it comes before Congress. If the distinguished personage, whom it is the design of this resolution to honor, had floated upon our shores unbidden and unheralded, there would have been no great embarrassment in suffering his arrival to pass without notice by Congress; but the case is widely different. The Congress of the United States found him a prisoner in Asia Minor-an exile from his native land, in an effort for the redemption of which he had fallen. They required the President of the United States to express to him the sympathy of Congress in his exile and misfortunes, and to tender to him an invitation to come to America as an asylum, in one of the public vessels of the nation. The President executed these instructions, and in pursuance of them, it is known to all the world that Kossuth was liberated from his captivity, and that he is now upon our shores. The President of the United States, in anticipation of his arrival, informed Congress on their assembling at the present session, that he had executed their instructions, and that the arrival of this illustrious man was hourly expected, and recommended to us to take into consideration the proper manner and

ceremonial of receiving the guest who had been brought here under their authority. This of itself was sufficient to engage the attention of the civilized world for the action of Congress in relation to the personage whose name and fame filled the eye and ear of the world. But the action of government has not stopped here. In pursuance of this recommendation, and at the instance of the President and the administration, the subject has been introduced into this chamber-a debate has opened upon the question submitted by the President. Under such circumstances absolute silence would amount to nothing short of neglect, and neglect would be liable to be construed, in my poor judgment, into indignity. It is under these circumstances that this question comes before Congress, and I am sure it is not the intention of the Senate that their treatment of Kossuth should be that of either neglect or indignity. But if such would be the result, the consequence would be the inflicting of a wound upon the generous and noble heart of a friend of liberty, whose gratitude we have awakened and stimulated, and in whose bosom we have kindled the expectation of a warm, a generous, a cordial welcome. The effect would be this upon him. The effect upon his country would be to subdue the feelings of affection and gratitude which the expression of sympathy in her misfortunes heretofore has awakened. The effect of it would be to discourage the hopes and expectations of the friends of freedom throughout the world; and finally, to encourage the advocates of oppression throughout Europe in their efforts to prevent the transition of the nations of that continent from under the system of force to the voluntary system of government which we have established and commended to their adoption. Under such circumstances, I was not at liberty to consent to be understood as being willing to allow the arrival of Kossuth in the United States to pass unnoticed. In order that I might put myself right, and give an opportunity to others who might agree with me in opinion to put themselves right, I have endeavored to submit a proposition which would avoid the consequences which have been deplored, and bring this question before Congress in a shape so unexceptionable that it seemed to me all might agree in adopting it.

A word now upon the form of reception, or welcome, which I propose. It is not the form which I myself would originally have wished. I have no particular tenacity in regard to it. The proVOL. 1-12.

position submitted by the honorable Senator from Mississippi [Mr. FOOTE] would have received my vote; it would have received it if it had said more, as was proposed by the honorable Senator from New Hampshire, [Mr. HALE.] It would have received it if it had said less. It would have received my support under any circumstances, if it had been pressed, and I should have endeavored to have co-operated with the honorable mover of it in avoiding any amendment which might have embarrassed its passage through the Senate. But that question has passed away; and in looking around for what might be substituted by us, it seemed to me that, if there was one sentiment more plainly and universally expressed by the American people than any other, in regard to the Hungarian revolution, and in regard to its hero, the champion of Hungary, it was that of WELCOME TO THE SHORES OF THE UNITED STATES. Taking that idea as my guide, I have submitted a resolution in which it is proposed that Congress shall declare that they give to Louis Kossuth, whom they have brought to our borders, a cordial

WELCOME.

Less than this, Mr. President, no man can propose who thinks it proper to make any expression, or to take any action; and more than this, it seems to me, must be waived. It must be something like this, or nothing, and this is better than nothing. I would have the passage of this resolution communicated to Kossuth by the President, the executive organ of the nation. My own feelings would exact more; but I am content to waive more under this consideration-that the simplicity of the act will give it a peculiar value. I know not, in the history of this nation-I know not in the history of modern times, a more sublime spectacle than would be afforded by seeing the Congress of the United States, in the name and behalf of the American people, bidding Kossuth, the representative of the cause of voluntary government in Europe, a cordial welcome on his escape from the perils of his position, and his arrival in this land where that system of government is established and in full operation.

There is a simplicity in this ceremony which is worthy the dignity of the American government and the greatness of the American people; there is a simplicity in it worthy the character of the illustrious man whom it is proposed to honor. I have no tenacity in regard to this measure in preference to any other which would make me insist on this at the hazard of its defeat.