States, and what more ought to be required? The answer is that a very large proportion of the people of the United States still contest the correctness of this decision, and never will cease from agitation and admit its binding force until clearly established by the people of the several States in their sovereign charSuch an explanatory amendment would, it is believed, forever terminate the existing dissensions and restore peace and harmony among the States.

It ought not to be doubted that such an appeal to the arbitrament established by the Constitution itself would be received with favor by all the States of the Confederacy. In any event it ought to be tried in a spirit of conciliation before any of these States shall separate themselves from the Union.

The President's message was debated at length in both the Senate and the House.

THE THREATENED SECESSION OF SOUTH CAROLINA

SENATE, DECEMBER 4-5, 1860

Thomas L. Clingman [N. C.] objected to that part of the message which referred to President-elect Lincoln. He asserted that Lincoln had been elected "because he was known to be a dangerous man," having avowed the principle known as "the irrepressible conflict. He would undoubtedly adopt a drastic policy in regard to slavery. Already it was proposed to repeal the Fugitive Slave Law-indeed, the Northern legislatures had rendered it a practical nullity.

The President has said that there ought to be new constitutional guaranties. I do not see how any Southern man can make propositions. We have petitioned and remonstrated for the last ten years, and to no purpose. In my judgment, unless the decided constitutional guaranties are obtained at an early day, it will be best for all sections that a peaceable division of the public property should take place.

I know there are intimations that suffering will fall upon us in the South if we secede. My people are not terrified by any such considerations. The Southern States have more territory than all the colonies had when they seceded from Great Britain, and a better territory. The Southern States have, too, at this

day, four times the population the colonies had when they seceded from Great Britain. Their exports to the North and to foreign countries were, last year, more than three hundred million dollars; and duty of ten per cent. upon the same amount of imports would give $30,000,000 of revenue-twice as much as General Jackson's Administration spent in its first year. Everybody can see, too, how the bringing in of $300,000,000 of imports into the Southern ports would enliven business in our seaboard towns. I have seen with some satisfaction, also, Mr. President, that the war made upon us has benefited certain branches of industry in my State. There are manufacturing establishments in North Carolina, the proprietors of which tell me that they are making fifty per cent. annually on their whole capital, and yet cannot supply one-tenth of the demands for their productions. The result of only ten per cent. duties in excluding products from abroad would give life and impetus to mechanical and manufacturing industry throughout the entire South. Our people understand these things, and they are not afraid of results if forced to declare independence. Indeed, I do not see why Northern Republicans should wish to continue a connection with us upon any terms. They say that our institutions are a disgrace to the political family, which they intend to remove. They declare African slavery to be a crime, and that it must be abolished. If we and they separate, their consciences will be freed from all responsibility for this sin. They want high tariffs likewise. They may put on five hundred per cent., if they choose, upon their own imports, and nobody on our side will complain. They may spend all the money they raise on railroads, or opening harbors, or anything on earth they desire, without interference from us; and it does seem to me that if they are sincere in their views they ought to welcome a separation.

I confess, Mr. President, that I do not know whether or not I understand the views of the message exactly on some points. There is something said in it about collecting the revenue. fully agree with the President that there is no power or right in this Government to attempt to coerce a State back into the Union; but if the State does secede, and thus becomes a foreign State, it seems to me equally clear that you have no right to collect taxes in it. I do not know, sir, whether I am given to understand from the message that there is a purpose to continue the collection of duties in any contingency; but if that be the policy I have no doubt some collision may occur. I deprecate it and hope there will be none. If there is to be a separation either of a part or the whole of the slaveholding States, I think

it better for all parties that it should be done peaceably and quietly.

Now, as to this idea of gentlemen waiting for overt acts. I take it for granted that Lincoln would resort to no overt acts in the first instance. I cannot conceive that he would have the folly to do so. I presume he would be conservative in his declarations, and I should attach just as much weight to them as I would to the soothing words and manner of a man who wanted to mount a wild horse, and who would not, until he was safely in the saddle, apply whip or spur. I take it for granted, when he comes in, he will make things as quiet as he can make them at first. I presume the policy of the party would be to endeavor to divide the South. They complain that Abolition documents are not circulated there. They wish to have an opportunity, by circulating such things as Helper's book, of arraying the nonslaveholders and poor men against the wealthy. I have no doubt, also, they would run off slaves faster from the border States, and perhaps oblige the slave owners to send them down. farther South, so as to make some of those States free States; and then, when the South was divided to some extent, the overt acts would come, and we should have, perhaps, a hard struggle to escape destruction.

Therefore, I maintain that our true policy is to meet this issue in limine, and I hope it will be done. If we can maintain our personal safety, let us hold onto the present Government; if not, we must take care of ourselves at all hazards.

John J. Crittenden [Ky.] deprecated the disunion sentiments of the Senator from North Carolina, and would search out some means for the reconciliation of the opposing sections. He did not agree that there is no power in the President to preserve the Union.

To say that no State has a right to secede, that it is a wrong to the Union, and yet that the Union has no right to interpose any obstacles to its secession, is altogether contradictory.

SENATOR CLINGMAN,-Mr. President, it seems to me that ignoring these evils is like talking of health when a man is very ill. You must apply remedies that will reach the disease. One of the wisest remarks that Mr. Calhoun ever made was that the Union could not be saved by eulogies upon it. We have had eulogies upon the Union until they have been productive of mischief. The Abolitionists say that "the South cannot be 1 On the threshold.

kicked out of the Union," and Southern men say amen to it. I do not refer to the Senator; but I mean that the tone and language in the South have been calculated to encourage the Abolitionists, and render them only the more insolent and aggressive. It was therefore I frankly made the declarations already uttered. I will join the honorable Senator, in good faith, in an effort to avert the evil that threatens us, if any fair prospect should be presented. Failing in this, I will stand by my State in any effort she may find necessary to protect her interests and maintain her honor.

Joseph Lane [Ore.] asserted that the election of Lincoln was against the spirit of the Constitution.

It never was contemplated by those who made the Constitution that a sectional party, without an electoral ticket in nearly one-half the States of the Union, upon a platform conflicting with the Constitution and with the rights of the States in onehalf of our country, should elect a President. My opinion today is, if our fathers in forming that instrument had provided any means by which the legality of this election could be tested, before the Supreme Court if you please, they would in this case decide in equity that the election of Mr. Lincoln conflicts with the Constitution of the United States, and is consequently void. JOHN P. HALE [N. H.].-No doubt of it.

SENATOR LANE.-And, sir, while I know there is no such redress, I am nevertheless, notwithstanding the smiles or laughs of gentlemen on the opposite side, fully convinced of the correctness of my position. Without the maintenance of the principle of the equality of the States the Union never could have been formed, and the Constitution never could have been adopted. Sir, that equality must be maintained, or this Union cannot and ought not to last. Upon what principle of right can a Northern, sectional party set up exclusive claim to territory acquired at the sacrifice of Southern as well as Northern blood? Can such unjust pretensions be allowed, or can the Union be preserved on such terms? I think not. To preserve the Union, we must carry out in good faith every guaranty of the Constitution.

SENATOR HALE.-I was very much in hopes when the message was presented that it would be a document which would commend itself cordially to somebody. I was not so sanguine about its pleasing myself, but I was in hopes that it would be one thing or another. But, sir, I have read it somewhat carefully;

and, if I understand it, it is this: South Carolina has just cause for seceding from the Union; that is the first proposition. The second is that she has no right to secede. The third is that we have no right to prevent her from seceding. That is the President's message substantially. He goes on to represent this as a great and powerful country, and that no State has a right to secede from it; but the power of the country, if I understand the President, consists in what Dickens makes the English constitution to be-a power to do nothing at all.

Now, sir, I think it was incumbent on the President of the United States to point out definitely and recommend to Congress some rule of action, and to tell us what he recommended us to do. But, in my judgment, he has entirely avoided it. He has failed to look the thing in the face. He has acted like the ostrich, which hides her head, and thereby thinks to escape danger. Sir, the only way to escape danger is to look it in the face.

I think we might as well look this matter right clearly in the face. I think that this state of affairs looks to one of two things: it looks to absolute submission, not on the part of our Southern friends and the Southern States, but of the North, to the abandonment of their position-it looks to a surrender of that popular sentiment which has been uttered through the constituted forms of the ballot box; or it looks to open war. We need not shut our eyes to the fact. It means war, and it means nothing else; and the State which has put herself in the attitude of secession so looks upon it. She has asked no counsel, she has considered it as a settled question, and she has armed herself. As I understand the aspect of affairs, it looks to that, and it looks to nothing else except unconditional submission on the part of the majority.

Now, I avow here I do not know whether or not I shall be sustained by those who usually act with me-if the issue which is presented is that the constitutional will of the public opinion of this country, expressed through the forms of the Constitution, will not be submitted to, and war is the alternative, let it come in any form or in any shape. The Union is dissolved and it cannot be held together as a Union, if that is the alternative upon which we go into an election. If it is preannounced and determined that the voice of the majority expressed through the regular and constituted forms of the Constitution will not be submitted to, then, sir, this is not a union of equals; it is a union of a dictatorial oligarchy on the one side, and a herd of slaves and cowards on the other.

ALBERT G. BROWN [Miss.].-All we ask is that we be allowed