do its part only indifferently well. It might | Union shall be perpetual, is most conclusive. seem at first thought to be of little difference Having never been States either in substance or whether the present movement at the South be in name outside of the Union, whence this magcalled secession or rebellion. The movers, ical omnipotence of State rights, asserting a however, well understand the difference. At claim of power to lawfully destroy the Union the beginning they knew that they could never itself. Much is said about the sovereignty of raise their treason to any respectable magni- the States, but the word even is not in the Natude by any name which implies violation of tional Constitution, nor, as is believed, in any of law; they knew their people possessed as much the State constitutions. What is sovereignty of moral sense, as much of devotion to law and in the political sense of the word? Would it order, and as much pride in its reverence for be far wrong to define it a political community the history and Government of their common without a political superior? Tested by this country, as any other civilized and patriotic peo- no one of our States, except Texas, was a ple. They knew they could make no advance- sovereignty, and even Texas gave up the charment directly in the teeth of these strong and acter on coming into the Union, by which act noble sentiments. Accordingly they commenced she acknowledged the Constitution of the by an insidious debauching of the public mind; United States; and the laws and treaties of they invented an ingenious sophism, which, if the United States, made in pursuance of States, conceded, was followed by perfectly logical steps have their status in the Union, made in pursuthrough all the incidents of the complete de- ance of the Constitution, to be for her the sustruction of the Union. The sophism itself is preme law. The States have their status in the that any State of the Union may, consistently Union, and they have no other legal status. If with the nation's Constitution, and therefore they break from this they can only do so against lawfully and peacefully, withdraw from the law and by revolution. The Union and not Union without the consent of the Union or of themselves separately procured their independany other State. ence and their liberty by conquest or purchase. The Union gave each of them whatever of independence and liberty it has. The Union is older than any of the States, and, in fact, it created them, as States. Originally, some dependent Colonies made the Union, and in turn the Union threw off their old dependence for them and made them States, such as they are. Not one of them ever had a State constitution independent of the Union Of course it is not constitutions before they entered the Union; nevertheless, dependent upon, and preparatory to coming into the Union. Unquestionably the States have the powers and rights reserved to them in and by the National Constitution. The little disguise that the supposed right is to be exercised only for just cause, themselves to be the sole judge of its justice, is too thin to merit any notice with rebellion. Thus sugarcoated, they have been drugging the public mind of their section for more than thirty years, and until at length they have brought many good men to a willingness to take up arms against the Government the day after some assemblage of men have enacted the far-forgotten that all the new States formed their cical pretence of taking their State out of the Union, who could have been brought to no such thing the day before. This sophism derives much, perhaps the whole of its currency, from the assumption that there is some omnipotent and sacred supremacy pertaining to a But among these surely are not included all State, to each State of our Federal Union. conceivable powers, however mischievous or Our States have neither more nor less power destructive, but at most such only as were than that reserved to them in the Union known in the world at the time as governby the Constitution, no one of them ever mental powers, and certainly a power to dehaving been a State out of the Union. The stroy the Government itself had never been original ones passed into the Union before they known as a governmental, as a merely admincast off their British Colonial dependence, and istrative power. This relative matter of nathe new ones came into the Union directly tional power and State rights as a principle, is from a condition of dependence, excepting no other than the principle of generality and Texas, and even Texas, in its temporary inde- locality. Whatever concerns the whole should pendence, was never designated as a State. The be conferred to the whole General Government, new ones only took the designation of States on while whatever concerns only the State should coming into the Union, while that name was be left exclusively to the State. This is all first adopted for the old ones in and by the De- there is of original principle about it. Whether claration of Independence. Therein the United the National Constitution, in defining boundaColonies were declared to be free and independ-ries between the two, has applied the principle ent States. But even then the object plainly was not to declare their independence of one another of the Union, but directly the contrary, as their mutual pledge and their mutual action before, at the time, and afterward, abundantly show. The express plight of faith by each and all of the original thirteen States in the Articles of Confederation two years later that the VOL. II.-Doc. 20 with exact accuracy is not to be questioned. We are all bound by that defining without question. What is now combated is the position that secession is consistent with the Constitution, is lawful and peaceful. It is not contended that there is any express law for it, and nothing should ever be implied as law which leads to unjust or absurd consequences. The camps, where the bayonets are all on one side of the question voted upon, can scarcely be considered as demonstrating popular sentiment. At such an election all that large class who are at once for the Union and against_coercion would be coerced to vote against the Union. It may be affirmed, without extravagance, that the free institutions we enjoy have developed the powers and improved the condition of our whole people beyond any example in the world. Of this we now have a striking and impressive illustration. So large an army as the Government has now on foot was never before known, without a soldier in it but who has taken his place there of his own free choice. But more than this there are many single regiments whose members, one and another, possess full practical knowledge of all the arts, sciences, professions, and whatever else, whether useful or elegant, is known in the whole world, and there is scarcely one from which there could not be selected a President, a Cabinet, a Congress, and perhaps a Court, abundantly competent to administer the Government itself. Nor do I say this is not true also in the army of our late friends, now adversaries, in this contest. But it is so much better the reason why the Government which has conferred such benefits on both them and us should not be broken up. Whoever in any section proposes to abandon such a Government would do well to consider in deference to what principle it is that he does it. What better he is likely to get in its stead, whether the substitute will give, or be intended to give so much of good to the peo nation purchased with money the countries out of which several of these States were formed. Is it just that they shall go off without leave and without refunding? The nation paid very large sums in the aggregate, I believe nearly a hundred millions, to relieve Florida of the aboriginal tribes. Is it just that she shall now be off without consent or without any return? The nation is now in debt for money applied to the benefit of these so-called seceding States, in common with the rest. Is it just, either that creditors shall go unpaid, or the remaining States pay the whole? A part of the present national debt was contracted to pay the old debt of Texas. Is it just that she shall leave and pay no part of this herself? Again, if one State may secede so may another, and when all shall have seceded none is left to pay the debts? Is this quite just to creditors? Did we notify them of this sage view of ours when we borrowed their money? If we now recognize this doctrine by allowing the seceders to go in peace, it is difficult to see what we can do if others choose to go, or to extort terms upon which they will promise to remain. The seceders insist that our Constitution admits of secession. They have assumed to make a National Constitution of their own, in which, of necessity, they have either discarded or retained the right of secession, as they insist exists in ours. If they have discarded it they thereby admit that on principle it ought not to exist in ours; if they have retained it, by their own construction of ours that shows that to be consistent, they must secede from one another whenever they shall find it the easiest way of settling their debts, or effect-ple. There are some foreshadowings on this ing any other selfish or unjust object. The principle itself is one of disintegration, and upon which no Government can possibly endure. If all the States save one should assert the power to drive that one out of the Union, it is presumed the whole class of seceder politicians would at once deny the power, and denounce the act as the greatest outrage upon State rights. But suppose that precisely the same act, instead of being called driving the one out, should be called the seceding of the others from that one, it would be exactly what the seceders claim to do, unless, indeed, they made the point that the one, because it is a minority, may rightfully do what the others, because they are a majority, may not rightfully do. These politicians are subtle, and profound in the rights of minorities. They are not partial to that power which made the Constitution, and speaks from the preamble, calling itself, "We, the people." It may be well questioned whether there is today a majority of the legally qualified voters of any State, except, perhaps, South Carolina, in favor of disunion. There is much reason to believe that the Union men are the majority in many, if not in every one of the so-called seceded States. The contrary has not been demonstrated in any one of them. It is ventured to affirm this, even of Virginia and Tennessee, for the result of an election held in military subject. Our adversaries have adopted some declarations of independence in which, unlike the good old one penned by Jefferson, they omit the words, "all men are created equal." Why? They have adopted a temporary National Constitution, in the preamble of which, unlike our good old one signed by Washington, they omit "We, the people," and substitute We, the deputies of the sovereign and independent States." Why? Why this deliberate pressing out of view the rights of men and the authority of the people? This is essentially a people's contest. On the side of the Union it is a struggle for maintaining in the world that form and substance of Government whose leading object is to elevate the condition of men, to lift artificial weights from all shoulders, to clear the paths of laudable pursuit for all, to afford all an unfettered start and a fair chance in the race of life, yielding to partial and temporary departures from necessity. This is the leading object of the Government, for whose existence we contend. I am most happy to believe that the plain people understand and appreciate this. It is worthy of note that while in this, the Government's hour of trial, large numbers of those in the army and navy who have been favored with the offices, have resigned and proved false to the hand which pampered them, not one It was with the deepest regret that the Executive found the duty of employing the war power. In defence of the Government forced upon him, he could but perform this duty or surrender the existence of the Government. No compromise by public servants could in this case be a cure, not that compromises are not often proper, but that no popular Government can long survive a marked precedent, that those who carry an election can only save the Government from immediate destruction by giving up the main point upon which the people gave the election. The people themselves and not their servants can safely reverse their own deliberate decisions. As a private citizen the Executive could not have consented that these institutions shall perish, much less could he in betrayal of so vast and so sacred a trust as these free people had confided to him. He felt that he had no moral right to shrink, nor even to count the chances of his own life in what might follow. common soldier or common sailor is known to have deserted his flag. Great honor is due to those officers who remained true despite the example of their treacherous associates, but the greatest honor and the most important fact of all, is the unanimous firmness of the common soldiers and common sailors. To the last man, so far as known, they have successfully resisted the traitorous efforts of those whose commands but an hour before they obeyed as absolute law. This is the patriotic instinct of plain people. They understand without an argument that the destroying the Government which was made by Washington means no good to them. Our popular Government has often been called an experiment. Two points in it our people have settled: the successful establishing and the successful administering of it. One still remains. Its successful maintenance against a formidable internal attempt to overthrow it. It is now for them to demonstrate to the world that those who can fairly carry an election can also suppress a rebellion; that ballots are the rightful and peaceful successors of bullets, and that when ballots have fairly and constitutionally decided, there can be no successful appeal back to bullets; that there can be no successful appeal except to ballots themselves at succeeding elections. Such will be a great lesson of peace, teaching men that what they cannot take by an election, neither can they take by a war, teaching all the folly of being the beginners of a war. Lest there be some uneasiness in the minds of candid men as to what is to be the course of the Government toward the Southern States after the rebellion shall have been suppressed, the Executive deems it proper to say it will be his purpose then, as ever, to be guided by the Constitution and the laws, and that he prob- REPORT OF THE SECRETARY OF WAR. ably will have no different understanding of the powers and duties of the Federal Government relatively to the rights of the States and the people under the Constitution than that expressed in the inaugural address. He desires to preserve the Government that it may be administered for all, as it was administered by the men who made it. Loyal citizens everywhere have the right to claim this of their Government, and the Government has no right to withhold or neglect it. It is not perceived that in giving it there is any coercion, any conquest, or any subjugation in any sense of these terms. The Constitution provided, and all the States have accepted the provision, "that the United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union a Republican form of government," but if a State may lawfully go out of the Union, having done so, it may also discard the Republican form of government. So that to prevent its going out is an indispensable means to the end of maintaining the guarantee mentioned; and when an end is lawful and obligatory, the indispensable means to it are also lawful and obligatory. In full view of his great responsibility he has so far done what he has deemed his duty. You will now, according to your own judgment, perform yours. He sincerely hopes that your views and your actions may so accord with his as to assure all faithful citizens who have been disturbed in their rights, of a certain and speedy restoration to them under the Constitution and laws, and having thus chosen our cause without guile, and with pure purpose, let us renew our trust in God, and go forward without fear and with manly hearts. July 4, 1861. ABRAHAM LINCOLN. Doo. 67. WAR DEPARTMENT, WASHINGTON, July 1, 1861. SIR-I have the honor to submit the following report of the operations of this department: The accompanying statements of the Adju tant-General will show the number, description, and distribution of the troops which are now in service. It forms no part of the duty of this department to enter upon a discussion of the preliminary circumstances which have contributed to the present condition of public affairs. The secession ordinance of South Carolina was passed on the 20th of December last, and from that period until the majesty of the Government was made manifest, immediately after you had assumed the chief magistracy, the conspirators against its Constitution and laws have left nothing undone to perpetuate the memory of their infamy. Revenue steamers have been deliberately betrayed by their commanders, or, where treason could not be brought to consummate the defection, have been overpowered by rebel troops at the command of disloyal governors. The Government arsenals at Little Rock, Baton Rouge, Mount Vernon, Appalachi of this country as incapable of making a forcible resistance to rebellion. The error of this conclusion is now being made manifest. History will record that men who, in ordinary times, were solely devoted to the arts of peace, were yet ready, on the instant, to rush to arms in defence of their rights when assailed. At the present moment the Government presents the striking anomaly of being embarrassed by the generous outpouring of volunteers to sustain its action. Instead of laboring under the difficulty of monarchical governments-the want of men to fill its armies (which in other countries has compelled a resort to forced conscriptions)-one of its main difficulties is to keep down the proportions of the army, and to prevent it from swelling beyond the actual force required. cola, Augusta, Charleston, and Fayetteville, | conspiracy have professed to regard the people the ordnance depot at San Antonio, and all the other Government works in Texas, which served as the depots of immense stores of arms and ammunition, have been surrendered by the commanders or seized by disloyal hands. Forts Macon, Caswell, Johnson, Clinch, Pulaski, Jackson, Marion, Barrancas, McKee, Morgan, Gaines, Pike, Macomb, St. Phillip, Livingston, Smith, and three at Charleston, Oglethorpe barracks, Barrancas barracks, New Orleans barracks, Fort Jackson, on the Mississippi, the battery at Bienvenue, Dupre, and the works at Ship Island, have been successively stolen from the Government or betrayed by their commanding officers. The Custom-Houses at New Orleans, Mobile, Savannah, Charleston, and other important points, containing vast amounts of Government funds, have been treacherously appropriated to sustain the cause of rebellion. In like manner the Branch Mints at New Orleans, at, Charlotte and at Dahlonega, have been illegally seized, in defiance of every principle of common honesty and honor. The violent seizure of the United States Marine Hospital at New Orleans was only wanting to complete the catalogue of crime. The inmates, who had been disabled by devotion to their country's service, and who there had been secured a grateful asylum, were cruelly ordered to be removed, without the slightest provision being made for their support or comfort. In Texas the large forces detailed upon the frontier for protection of the inhabitants against the attacks of marauding Indians, were ignominiously deserted by their commander, Brigadier-General Twiggs. To the infamy of treason to his flag was added the crowning crime of deliberately handing over to the armed enemies of his Government all the public property intrusted to his charge, thus even depriving the loyal men under his command of all means of transportation out of the State. A striking and honorable contrast with the recreant conduct of Brigadier-General Twiggs and other traitorous officers has been presented in the heroic and truly self-sacrificing course pursued by Major Robert Anderson and the small and gallant band of officers and men under his command at Fort Sumter, and also by Lieut. Adam J. Slemmer, his officers and men, at Fort Pickens. In referring, with strongest commendation, to the conduct of these brave soldiers, under the trying circumstances which surrounded them, I only echo the unanimous voice of the American people. In this connection it is a pleasurable duty to refer to the very gallant action of Lieut. Roger Jones at Harper's Ferry, and the handsome and successful manner in which he executed the orders of the Government at that important post. The determination of the Government to use its utmost power to subdue the rebellion, has been sustained by the unqualified approval of the whole people. Heretofore the leaders of this The commanding officers of the regiments in the volunteer service, both for the three months' service and for the war, have, in many instances, not yet furnished the department with the muster rolls of their regiments. For the want of these returns it is impossible to present as accurate an enumeration of the volunteer force accepted and in the field as could be desired. Under the proclamation issued by you on the 15th of April last, the Governors of different States were called upon to detach from the militia under their command a certain quota, to serve as infantry or riflemen, for the period of three months, unless sooner discharged. The call so made amounted in the aggregate to ninety-four regiments, making 73,391 officers and men. Of the States called upon, the Governors of Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Arkansas, Kentucky, and Missouri, peremptorily refused to comply with the requirements made by the department. All the other States promptly furnished the number required of them, except Maryland, whose Governor, though manifesting entire readiness to comply, was prevented from so doing by the outbreak at Baltimore. In the States of Virginia, Delaware, and Missouri, notwithstanding the positive refusal of their executive officers to cooperate with the Government, patriotic citizens voluntarily united together and organized regiments for the Government service. Delaware and Virginia furnished each a regiment, both of which are on duty in the field. In a similar patriotic spirit, the loyal people of Missouri raised a force of 11,445 officers and men, making, in round numbers, twelve organized regiments, to sustain the Government and to put down rebellion in that State. And so, also, the citizens of the District of Columbia, emulating these honorable examples, furnished no less than 2,822 officers and men, making in all four full regiments, all of which are yet in the field, doing active and efficient service. Thus, notwithstanding the refusal of disloyal Governors to respond, the Government, instead of having been furnished with only the number of troops called for under your proc lamation of the 15th of April last, has received an increase was authorized by your proclamaand has now in service under that call, in roundtion issued on the 4th of May last. numbers, at least eighty thousand. This increase consists of one regiment of cavalry, of twelve companies, numbering, in the maximum aggregate, 1,189 officers and men; one regiment of artillery of twelve batteries, of six pieces each, numbering, in the maximum aggregate, 1,909 officers and men; nine regiments of infantry, each regiment containing three battalions of eight companies each, numbering, in the maximum aggregate, 2,452 officers and men, making a maximum increase of infantry of 22,068 officers and men. Under your second proclamation of the 4th of May last, calling for volunteers to serve during the war, there have been accepted up to this date 208 regiments. A number of other regiments have been accepted, but on condition of being ready to be mustered into the service within a specified time, the limitation of which has, in some instances, not expired. It is not possible to state how many of these may be ready before the meeting of Congress. Of the regiments accepted, all are infantry and riflemen, with the exception of two battalions of artillery and four regiments of cavalry. A number of regiments mustered as infantry have, how-three years, to correspond with the call of ever, attached to them one or more artillery companies, and there are also some regiments partly made up of companies of cavalry. Of the 208 regiments accepted for three years, there are now 153 in active service, and the remaining fifty-five are mostly ready, and all of them will be in the field within the next twenty days. The total force now in the field may be computed as follows: Regulars and volunteers for three months and for the war, Add to this fifty-five regiments of volunteers for the war, accepted, and not yet in service, Add new regiments of regular army, 50,000 225.000 -75,000 310,000 230,000 Force for service after the withdrawal The extraordinary exigencies which have called this great army into being have rendered necessary also a very considerable augmentation of the regular arm of the service. The demoralization of the regular army, caused by the treasonable conduct of many of its commanding officers, the distant posts at which the greater part of the troops were stationed, and the unexampled rapidity of the spread of the rebellion, convinced those high in command of the service, as well as this department, that an increase of the regular army was indispensable. The subject was accordingly brought to your attention, and after careful examination In the enlistment of men to fill the additional regiments of the regular army, I would recommend that the term of enlistment be made May 4, for volunteers; and that to all who shall receive an honorable discharge at the close of their term of service a bounty of one hundred dollars shall be given. The mounted troops of the old army consist of five regiments, with a maximum aggregate of 4,400 men. Not more than one-fourth of these troops are available for service at the seat of war. At least two regiments of artillery are unavailable, being stationed on the western coast and in the Florida forts. The increase of infantry is comparatively large, but this arm of the service is that which the General-in-Chief recommended as being most efficient. The organization of the increased force, it will be noticed, is different from that of the old army. This question was fully considered by officers of the army connected with this department, and after much deliberation it was concluded to adopt the French regimental system, of three battalions to a regiment. Each battalion is commanded by a major, with a colonel and lieutenant-colonel for the general command of the regiment. This, it is believed, is the best organization now existing. The number of officers is less than under the old plan, and therefore much less expensive. Whether this organization may not advantageously be extended to the old army, after the passage of a law providing for a retired list, is a question which may properly engage the attention of Congress. In making the selection of officers for the new regiments two courses seemed to be open, viz.: to make the appointments from the regular service by seniority or by selection. The first appeared liable to the objection that old, and in some instances inefficient men, would be promoted to places which ought to be filled by younger and more vigorous officers. The second was liable to the grave objection that favoritism might prejudice the claims of worthy officers. After the fullest consideration, it was determined, under the advice of the Generalin-Chief, to appoint one-half of them from the regular army and the other half from civil life. Of the civilians appointed as regimental commanders, all except one are either graduates of |