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WHIG APPEAL FOR AN EXCUSE

[Caricature of Clay and Frelinghuysen in Presidential Campaign of 1844] From the collection of the New York Historical Society

ern people, having the power to control the subject, should totally and suddenly abolish the system; what right would those have to complain who had combined to oppress the South? What has the tariff led us to already? From one end of the country to the other, it has produced evils which are worse than a thousand tariffs. The necessity of appealing now to fraternal feeling shows that that feeling is not sleeping, but nearly extinguished.

SENATOR CALHOUN said: Entirely approving of the object for which this bill was introduced, he should give his vote in favor of the motion for leave to introduce. He who loved the Union must desire to see the agitating question brought to a termination. Until it should be terminated, we could not expect the restoration of peace or harmony, or a sound condition of things, throughout the country. The general principles of this bill received his approbation. He believed that, if the present difficulties were to be adjusted, they must be adjusted on the principles embraced in the bill, of fixing ad valorem duties, except in the few cases in the bill to which specific duties were assigned. He said that it had been his fate to occupy a position as hostile as anyone could, in reference to the protecting policy; but, if it depended on his will, he would not give his vote for the prostration of the manufacturing interest. A very large capital had been invested in manufactures, which had been of great service to the country; and he would never give his vote suddenly to withdraw all those duties by which that capital was sustained in the channel into which it had been directed. There were some of the provisions which had his entire approbation, and there were some to which he objected. But he looked upon these minor points of difference as points in the settlement of which no difficulty would occur, when gentlemen meet together in that spirit of mutual compromise which, he doubted not, would be brought into their deliberations, without at all yielding the constitutional question as to the right of protection.

SENATOR WEBSTER.-It is impossible that this proposition of the honorable member from Kentucky should not excite in the country a very strong sensation. If I understand the plan, the result of it will be a well-understood surrender of the power of discrimination, or a stipulation not to use that power, in the laying duties on imports, after the eight or nine years have expired. The honorable member admits that, though there will be no positive surrender of the power, there will be a stipulation not to exercise it; a treaty of peace and amity, as he says,

which no American statesman can, hereafter, stand up to violate. For one, sir, I am not ready to enter into the treaty. I propose, so far as depends on me, to leave all our successors in Congress as free to act as we are ourselves.

The honorable member from Kentucky says the tariff is in imminent danger; that, if not destroyed this session, it cannot hope to survive the next. This may be so, sir. But, if it be so, it is because the American people will not sanction the tariff; and, if they will not, why, then, sir, it cannot be sustained at all. I am not quite so despairing as the honorable member seems to be. I know nothing which has happened, within the last six or eight months, changing so materially the prospects of the tariff. I do not despair of the success of an appeal to the American people, to take a just care of their own interest, and not to sacrifice those vast interests which have grown up under the laws of Congress.

Senator Webster then introduced the following resolutions, setting forth his tariff principles:

Resolved, That the annual revenues of the country ought not to be allowed to exceed a just estimate of the wants of the Government; and that, in making this reduction, just regard should be had to the various interests and opinions of different parts of the country, so as most effectually to preserve the integrity and harmony of the Union, and to provide for the common defence and promote the general welfare of the whole.

But, whereas it is certain that the diminution of the rates of duties on some articles would increase, instead of reducing, the aggregate amount of revenue on such articles; and whereas, in regard to such articles as it has been the policy of the country to protect, a slight reduction on one might produce essential injury, and even distress, to large classes of the community, while another might bear a larger reduction without any such consequences; and whereas, also, there are many articles, the duties on which might be reduced, or altogether abolished, without producing any other effect than the reduction of revenue: Therefore,

Resolved, That, in reducing the rates of duties imposed on imports, it is not wise or judicious to proceed by way of an equal reduction per centum on all articles; but that, as well the amount as the time of reduction ought to be fixed, in respect to the several articles, distinctly, having due regard, in each case, to the questions whether the proposed reduction will affect

revenue alone, or how far it will operate injuriously on those domestic manufactures hitherto protected; especially such as are essential in time of war, and such, also, as have been established on the faith of existing laws; and, above all, how far such proposed reduction will affect the rates of wages and the earnings of American manual labor.

Resolved, That it is unwise and injudicious, in regulating imposts, to adopt a plan which shall, either immediately or prospectively, reject all discrimination on articles to be taxed, and which shall confine all duties to one equal rate per centum on all articles.

Resolved, That, since the people of the United States have deprived the State governments of all power of fostering manufactures, however indispensable in peace or in war, by commercial regulations, or by laying duties on imports, and have transferred the whole authority to make such regulations, and to lay such duties, to the Congress of the United States, Congress cannot surrender or abandon such power, compatibly with its constitutional duty; and, therefore,

Resolved, That no law ought to be passed on the subject of imposts, containing any stipulation, express or implied, or giving any pledge or assurance, direct or indirect, which shall tend to restrain Congress from the full exercise, at all times hereafter, of all its constitutional powers, in giving reasonable protection to American industry, countervailing the policy of foreign nations, and maintaining the substantial independence of the United States.

Although the Compromise Tariff was intended for perpetuity it failed to outlive even the first of its two parts-that which provided for the protection of manufactures for a term of nine years. It expired in 1841. During the following year a new tariff act was passed, by which the average rate of duty was raised to about 33 per cent.

THE WALKER TARIFF

[ACTS OF 1846 AND 1857]

The Tariff Act of 1846 (Proposed by Robert J. Walker, Secretary of the Treasury)-Surplus in Treasury in 1857-Bill to Reduce Duties on Raw Materials Introduced in the House-Debate: in Favor, Nathaniel B. Durfee [R. I.], William W. Boyce [S. C.]; Opposed, Benjamin Stanton [O.], Justin S. Morrill [Vt.]-Bill Is Passed in the House-Robert M. T. Hunter [Va.] Proposes a Substitute in the Senate Embodying the Principle of Horizontal Reduction-Debate: Speakers of Varying Views, Sen. Hunter, Jacob Collamer [Vt.], George E. Pugh [0.], Henry Wilson [Mass.], William H. Seward [N. Y.], Robert Toombs [Ga.], Andrew P. Butler [S. C.]-Hunter's Substitute Is Adopted-Bill Is Passed in Both Houses and Approved by President Pierce.

D

URING 1842 revenues had so decreased as to be insufficient for the support of the Government. From this period down to 1846 various remedial plans were advanced but none was adopted.

Robert J. Walker, Secretary of the Treasury under President Polk, soon after his advent in the Cabinet prepared an able and exhaustive report upon the tariff, laying down the following principles:

(1) That no more money should be collected than is necessary for the wants of the Government, economically administered; (2) That no duty be imposed on any article above the lowest rate which will yield the largest amount of revenue; (3) That below such rate discrimination may be made, descending in the scale of duties, or, for imperative reasons, the article may be placed in the list of those free from all duty; (4) That the maximum revenue duty should be imposed on luxuries; (5) That all minimums and all specific duties should be abolished, and ad valorem duties substituted in their place, care being taken to guard against fraudulent invoices and undervaluation, and to assess the duty upon the actual market value;

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