Page images
PDF
EPUB

After the bill was passed a Representative moved to amend its title by adding the words "for the encouragement of domestic manufactures."

MR. RANDOLPH opposed the motion, insisting that domestic manufactures meant those which were carried on in the families of farmers, in the fabrication of what used to be called Virginia cloth; and that the bill, if it had its true name, should be called a bill to rob and plunder nearly one-half of the Union, for the benefit of the residue, etc. Let the friends of the bill christen their own child; he would not stand godfather to it. The title was merely ad captandum vulgus;1 like the words of the continental money ridiculed in Swift's verses:

"Libertas et natale solum," 992

Fine words indeed! I wonder where you stole 'em."

The bill referred to manufactures of no sort or kind, but the manufacture of a President of the United States.

"For taking (in) the common folk."

"Liberty and native land."

THE TARIFF OF 1832

[PROTECTIVE PRINCIPLE]

Revision of the Tariff in Further Interest of Manufacturers-Debate in the Senate in Favor, Henry Clay [Ky.]; Opposed, John Tyler [Va.]— Debate in the House: in Favor, Rufus Choate [Mass.]; Opposed, Thomas Clayton [Ga.], Dixon H. Lewis [Ala.].

I

N 1831 the issue between free trade and protection had been squarely drawn for the first time in American history, the free traders meeting in convention in Philadelphia, and the protectionists in New York, and both assemblies sending memorials to Congress.

In the protracted congressional session of 1831-32 a number of tariff bills were prepared, the result of which was the passage, on July 14, 1832, of a composite act in which the protective features of the existing tariff were maintained, and a number of revenue taxes reduced, and duties abolished on some raw materials, such as varieties of wool—a measure, as will be inferred, in further interest of the manufacturer and against that of the agriculturist. The Southern Congressmen were greatly indignant at the imposition of additional burdens where relief from present ones had been expected by them, and, indeed, promised in the beginning of the session by their opponents-Henry Clay [Ky.] himself introducing in the Senate a resolution in favor of "reduction of duties."

In the debate in the Senate Clay was a leading speaker in favor of the principle of protection, and John Tyler [Va.] was prominent among those in opposition.

THE SOUTH'S COMPLAINT AGAINST THE TARIFF

SENATE, FEBRUARY 2-13, 1832

SENATOR CLAY.-Eight years ago it was my painful duty to present to the House of Congress an unexaggerated picture of

the general distress pervading the whole land. If I were to select any term of seven years since the adoption of the present Constitution which exhibited a scene of the most widespread dismay and desolation, it would be exactly that term of seven years which immediately preceded the establishment of the tariff of 1824.

I have now to perform the more pleasing task of exhibiting an imperfect sketch of the existing state of the unparalleled prosperity of the country. On a general survey, we behold cultivation extended, the arts flourishing, the face of the country improved, our people fully and profitably employed, and the public countenance exhibiting tranquillity, contentment, and happiness. And, if we descend into particulars, we have the agreeable contemplation of a people out of debt; land rising slowly in value, but in a secure and salutary degree; a ready, though not extravagant, market for all the surplus productions of our industry; innumerable flocks and herds browsing and gamboling on ten thousand hills and plains, covered with rich and verdant grasses; our cities expanded, and whole villages springing up, as it were, by enchantment; our exports and imports increased and increasing; our tonnage, foreign and coastwise, swelling and fully occupied; the rivers of our interior animated by the perpetual thunder and lightning of countless steamboats; the currency sound and abundant; the public debt of two wars nearly redeemed; and, to crown all, the public treasury overflowing, embarrassing Congress, not to find subjects of taxation, but to select the objects which shall be liberated from the impost. If the term of seven years were to be selected of the greatest prosperity which this people have enjoyed since the establishment of their present Constitution, it would be exactly that period of seven years which immediately followed the passage of the tariff of 1824.

This transformation of the condition of the country from gloom and distress to brightness and prosperity has been mainly the work of American legislation, fostering American industry, instead of allowing it to be controlled by foreign legislation, cherishing foreign industry.

It is now proposed to abolish the system to which we owe so much of the public prosperity, and it is urged that the arrival of the period of the redemption of the public debt has been confidently looked to as presenting a suitable occasion to rid the country of the evils with which the system is alleged to be fraught. But the people of the United States have not coupled the payment of their public debt with the destruction of

the protection of their industry against foreign laws and foreign industry. They have been accustomed to regard the extinction of the public debt as relief from a burden, and not as the infliction of a curse. If it is to be attended or followed by the subversion of the American system, and the exposure of our establishments and our productions to the unguarded consequences of the selfish policy of foreign powers, the payment of the public debt will be the bitterest of curses. Its fruit will be like the fruit

"Of that forbidden tree, whose mortal taste
Brought death into the world, and all our wo,
With loss of Eden."

MR. TYLER.-The honorable Senator from Kentucky [Mr. Clay] has drawn a glowing picture of the condition of the country. He has spoken of this as the golden age of these confederated States. By the magic of his eloquence he has transported us to what, with classical taste, he was pleased to call La Belle Rivière, and, sailing down its stream, he pointed out to us a smiling, animated scene-villages rising up in endless succession on its banks, while the arts were gaily meeting us at every step. From thence he led us into the interior of his own State, and there again all was beautiful and enticing: widely extended lawns-animated groves-and hills covered with numberless flocks. All was gay-all was beautiful—all enchanting. He then translated us to the North, and again we stood in fairyland. Here flourished the arts, and the buzz of industry arose from numberless villages. And, finally, to touch off with still deeper tint the glowing scene, he pointed to us that great mart of commerce, the city of New York-the modern Tyre. But the honorable Senator here stopped-his pencil fell from his hands, when he turned to the South, and she was not found upon his canvas. Where were her rising towns? Where her lawns, her animated groves, and living hills? I said she was not on his canvas-I mistake-she was there, but she was enveloped in gloom. She had ventured to utter complaints to put forth her grievances respectfully, but stronglyand she was scowled upon-reprehended as uttering unfounded complaints, entertaining unwise opinions, and as advocating a system which would recolonize America. If the Senate could see nothing in all this to justify complaint, then are we indeed fairly subject to reproach. What, sir! could not that fervid. and glowing fancy create one animated spot-find one oasis in

the wilderness of gloom on which to rest? How comes this, Mr. President? Is there anything in soil, in climate, in position, to explain it? Do we sow and not reap? Has the earth suddenly refused to yield to us her harvests? I beg leave to give you an anecdote which is said to have occurred at the table of General Washington shortly after the adoption of the Federal Constitution. The party consisted of several Southern gentlemen and one gentleman from the North. That great and good man was dwelling on the benefits which would arise from the adoption of the Constitution; he portrayed the countless blessings which it would bring to the South-dwelt on its rich productions, and the profitable interchange which it would carry on with all parts of the world. At length, turning to his Northern friend, he inquired, "But what will the North do?" The brief and laconic answer was, "We will live by our wits." And well has this reply been realized. By their wits they have acquired much of the wealth which properly appertains to a more genial climate and richer soil. Their ingenuity has brought forth useful inventions for the benefit of mankind: hardy, industrious, enterprising, they have, in the pursuit of fortune, roamed over distant lands and braved the terrors of the mighty deep. The compliment paid them by Edmund Burke, on the floor of the British Parliament, was every way deserved. Every Southern man rejoiced in their prosperity, so long as it was the result of their own indefatigable industry. Even their wooden nutmegs excited but a smile, and nothing more. They may, for me, make trade and profit of all their notions, except their tariff notions. Against that I do protest with all my strength. But let me return to the course of my inquiry. How comes it now about that, while the South is impoverished, the North has suddenly become so rich?

The honorable Senator, in his effort to find out causes of Southern depression, has seen proper to remark that we were "too poor to live-too proud to work-too high-minded and honorable to resort to ignoble means of acquisition-brave, daring, chivalrous." That we are too poor to live as did those who, but a short time ago, preceded us, is most true-and, sir, it is our misfortune to be growing poorer and poorer: the cause of this I shall attempt presently to explain. But that we are indolent or idle I utterly deny. There lives not a more industrious population under the sun, taken in the mass.

The honorable Senator, then, is mistaken as to the true cause 'See Volume I., pages 117, 118.

1

« PreviousContinue »