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and whatever savored of popular rule-even in its mildest form-was yet in the distant future. Alexander the First was on the throne of Russia-and her millions of serfs oppressed as by the iron hand of the Cæsars. The splendid German Empire of to-day had no place on the map of the world; its present powerful constituencies were antagonistic provinces and warring independent cities. Napoleon Bonaparte "calling Fate into the lists," by a succession of victories unparalleled in history, had overturned thrones, compelled kings upon bended knee to sue for peace, substituted those of his own household for dynasties that reached back the entire length of human history, and with his star still in the ascendant, disturbed by no forecast of the horrid nightmare of the retreat from Moscow, "with legions scattered by the artillery of the snows and the fierce cavalry of the winds," tortured by no dream of Leipsic, of Elba, of Waterloo, of St. Helena-still the "man of destiny" was relentlessly pursuing the ignis fatuus of universal empire.

The year that witnessed the birth of Abraham Lincoln witnessed the gathering of the disturbing elements that were to precipitate the second war with the mother country. England-with George the Third upon the throne-by insulting and cruel search of American vessels upon the high seas, was rendering inevitable the declaration of war by Congress a war of humiliation upon our part by the disgraceful surrender of Hull at Detroit, and the wanton burning of our capitol, but crowned with honor by the naval victories of Lawrence, Decatur, and Perry, and eventually terminated by the capture of the British army at New Orleans. As an object lesson of the marvels of the closing century: an incident of so momentous consequence to the world as the formulation of the Treaty of Ghent-by which peace was restored between England and America-would to-day be known at every fireside a few hours after its occurrence. And yet within the now closing century-the Treaty of Ghent coming by slow sailing vessel across the Atlantic-twenty-three days after it had received the signatures of our commissioners the Battle of New Orleans was fought, all unsettled accounts

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hour of the day with problems which had to be solved, he got the habst of seeing, deciding and acting by himself. What the forest, what the swamp, what the river taught Lincoln, cannot be overestimated. After loving years of it and sharter Jecurs New Salem, Springfield and Vandalia, almost suddenly be found himself transferred to the fort of greatest heroz and greatest danger. And how then would act the "man almost unknown" the backwoodsman of yesterday? Would he not be stag. gered and dismayed? What would ? What would be do? - The

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Facsimile of the Last Page of Manuscript of Speech Made by

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Bloomington Illince,
Sifat 14- 1909-.

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Facsimile of Manuscript Tribute from Hon. Adlai E. Stevenson of Illinois,
Ex-Vice-President of the United States

eternally squared between America and Great Britain, and the United States, by valor no less than by diplomacy, exalted to honored and enduring place among the nations.

The fifty-six years that compassed the life of Abraham Lincoln were years of transcendent significance to our country. While yet in his rude cradle, the African slave trade had just terminated by constitutional inhibition. While Lincoln was still in attendance upon "the old field school," Henry Clay-yet to be known as the "Great Pacificator"was pressing the admission of Missouri into the Union under the first compromise upon the question of slavery since the adoption of the Federal Constitution. From the establishment of the government the question of human slavery was the one perilous question-the one constant menace to national unity, until its final extinction amid the flames of war. Marvellous to man are the purposes of the Almighty. What seer could have foretold that from this humblest of homes upon the frontier was to spring the man who at the crucial moment should cut the Gordian knot, liberate a race, and give to the ages enlarged and grander conception of the deathless principles of the declaration of human rights?

"Often do the spirits of great events

Stride on before the events,

And in to-day already walks to-morrow."

The first inauguration of President Lincoln noted the hour of the "breaking with the past." It was a period of gloom, when the very foundations were shaken, when no man could foretell the happening of the morrow, when strong men trembled at the possibility of the destruction of our government. Pause a moment, my countrymen, and recall the man who, under the conditions mentioned, on the fourth of March, 1861, entered upon the duties of the great office to which he had been chosen. He came from the common walks of lifefrom what in other countries would be called the great middle class. His early home was one of the humblest, where he was a stranger to the luxuries, and to many of the ordinary comforts of life. His opportunities for education were only

such as were common in the remote habitations of our Western country one century ago.

Under such conditions began a career that in grandeur and achievement has but a single counterpart in our history. And what a splendid commentary this upon our free institutions-upon the sublime underlying principle of popular gov. ernment! How inspiring to the youth of high aims every incident of the pathway that led from the frontier cabin to the executive mansion-from the humblest position to the most exalted yet attained by man! In no other country than ours could such attainment have been possible for the boy whose hands were inured to toil, whose bread was eaten under the hard conditions that poverty imposes, whose only heritage was brain, integrity, lofty ambition, and indomitable purpose. Let it never be forgotten that the man of whom I speak possessed an integrity that could know no temptation, a purity of life that was never questioned, a patriotism that no sectional lines could limit, and a fixedness of purpose that knew no shadow of turning.

The decade extending from our first treaty of peace with Great Britain to the inauguration of Washington has been truly denominated the critical period of our history. The eloquence of Adams and Henry had precipitated revolution; the unfaltering courage of Washington and his comrades had secured independence; but the more difficult task of garnering up the fruits of victory by stable government was yet to be achieved. The hour for the constructive statesman had arrived, and James Madison and his associates-equal to the emergency-formulated the Federal Constitution.

No less critical was the period that bounded the active life of the man whose memory we honor to-day. One perilous question to national unity-for near three-quarters of a century the subject of repeated compromise by patriotic statesmen, the apple of discord producing sectional antagonism, whose shadow had darkened our national pathway from the beginning-was now for weal or woe to find determination. Angry debate in senate and upon the forum was now hushed, and the supreme question that took hold of national life was

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