does not seem our own. He can not be claimed a full possession by even the entire Union. Lincoln has grown, and endeared himself, and now belongs to the entire liberty-loving world.

I

THE FREEPORT DEBATE

GEN. SMITH D. ATKINS

AM to speak about that which it appears to me happened only yesterday-the joint debate between Abraham Lincoln and Stephen A. Douglas, at Freeport, August 27, 1858. I want you to remember these two things: The Missouri Compromise of 1820, that excluded slavery by an Act of Congress from the Territories, was repealed in 1854; the Dred Scott case was decided by the Supreme Court in 1856, and that Court decided that slavery was recognized in the Constitution of the United States, and went into all the Territories, and everywhere that the Constitution was supreme, there being no power that could exclude it, legislative, executive or judicial; and that therefore the Northwest Ordinance of 1787, the Free State Constitution of Illinois of 1818, the Missouri Compromise of 1820, were null and void so far as the question of slavery was concerned. These were the burning questions discussed.

Mr. Lincoln arrived in Freeport from Mendota about nine o'clock in the morning, and went to his room in the Brewster House. There was no conference of leading Republicans as to the course Mr. Lincoln should pursue, nothing of the kind. All discussion appeared to come about purely by accidentthe door of Mr. Lincoln's room wide open, people coming and going as they chose.

The subject under discussion when I entered the room was the solemn manner of Mr. Lincoln's oratory in the first of the series of joint debates at Ottawa, on August 21, all present who engaged in the conversation urging Lincoln to drop his solemn style of argument and tell stories, as did Tom Corwin, of Ohio, and "catch the crowd."

Mr. Lincoln appeared greatly amused, and said very little,

but after a while he drew from his pocket a list of questions that he had carefully prepared and which he proposed to ask Mr. Douglas. The reading of those questions created a storm of opposition on the part of nearly everyone present, especially the second question, "Can the people of a United States Territory, in any lawful way, against the wish of any citizen of the United States, exclude slavery from its limits prior to the formation of a State Constitution?" Nearly all present urged that Mr. Douglas would answer that under his doctrine of "Popular Sovereignty," any Territory could by "unfriendly legislation" exclude slavery, and Mr. Douglas would "catch the crowd" and beat Mr. Lincoln as a candidate for United States Senator from Illinois.

Mr. Lincoln listened attentively, and with wonderful patience, while those arguments were urged against the course he proposed to pursue, but finally, he slowly and deliberately replied in substance-and in his own words as nearly as I can now remember them-"Well, as to my changing my style of argument, I will not do that-the subject is too solemn and important. That is settled. Now as to the other pointI don't know how Mr. Douglas will answer; if he answers that the people of a Territory cannot exclude slavery, I will beat him; but if he answers as you say he will, and as I believe he will, he may beat me for Senator, but he will never be President."

Mr. Lincoln did, in the joint debate in the afternoon, ask Judge Douglas the question that had been the subject of so much discussion, and Douglas did answer, as all said that he would, and as Lincoln believed that he would, and Douglas did beat Lincoln as a candidate for Senator from Illinois. But in making that answer Douglas put himself in direct opposition to the decision of the Supreme Court of the United States in the Dred Scott case, and he so offended the Democrats of the South that they instantly denounced him. That answer made by Douglas to Lincoln's question in Freeport, on August 27, 1858, split the Democratic National Convention at Charleston, South Carolina, in 1860, and as Lincoln had predicted, made the election of Douglas as President impossible.

The popular opinion was and is, that it made Lincoln so well known throughout the country as to result in his own nomination and election as President of the United States.

Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Douglas had long been rivals, but, by his superior ability as a debater, Mr. Lincoln at Freeport, August 27, 1858, passed his rival and went onward to the presidency, the goal of political ambition which Mr. Douglas never reached.

And when Mr. Lincoln became President and read his wonderful Inaugural Address, it was Stephen A. Douglas who stood by his side and held his hat. I heard Senator Douglas say in Springfield, in April, 1861, "The time has come when there can be but two parties in this country, patriots and traitors." He was as loyal as was Mr. Lincoln. And, better still, the Douglas Democrats of Illinois-and, better than that, the Douglas Democrats throughout all the loyal North-were as loyal as their loyal leader. Shortly afterward the great Senator died. Mr. Lincoln lived longer-lived to conduct successfully the suppression of the greatest rebellion in history, and when the sunlight of complete victory filled all the land with joy, Mr. Lincoln was assassinated.

Sometimes I almost despair of the Republic. Three of the Presidents in my short lifetime have so met death by assassination. Why it was that the good Lord God Almighty permitted it, I do not understand. God's ways are not our ways. We dare not criticise. We must submit. Standing by the bedside of Mr. Lincoln when he died was his great War Secretary, Stanton, who said, "Now he belongs to the ages. Name his name once more-Abraham Lincoln-then leave it in undying glory forever shining on in history."

I

TWO MOMENTOUS MEETINGS

MAJ.-GEN. FREDERICK DENT GRANT

FEEL deeply honored that you have called upon me on this interesting occasion, but I have great modesty in speaking to you here, in the presence of these many distinguished and gifted orators, and while I appreciate the compliment you pay me, I fully realize that it is not myself personally whom you wish to hear, but that I am being welcomed as the son of Ulysses S. Grant, who served his country faithfully, with Abraham Lincoln, and who loyally loved our martyred President, revering his memory throughout his life; it is the descendant of Lincoln's friend and compatriot whom you call upon for a few words.

This hundredth anniversary of the birth of Abraham Lincoln is an occasion which the people of the United States honor themselves in celebrating, and they should, in my opinion, keep forever green the memory of this great American statesman and patriot by making the annual anniversary of his birth a national holiday.

It was my great good fortune to be with my father, close at his side, much of the time during the Civil War, when I had the opportunity of seeing and listening to many of the noble and distinguished men who were loyally serving their country during that great struggle; thus I had the honor and happiness of seeing and meeting our revered and martyred President, Abraham Lincoln.

In looking back to those dark days of the Civil War, I have distinct personal recollections of the first two meetings between President Lincoln and my father, General U. S. Grant. These two occasions seem to my mind the most momentous and memorable in the history of our nation, as these meetings