situation, and congratulated each other on peace. About nine o'clock the company of men began to disperse to their homes, when Mr. Gilman asked if some few of the number would not volunteer to remain through the night with him, for he intended staying, as a precaution in case the warehouse was attacked. Nineteen men answered the call, and the devoted little band prepared themselves for whatever might occur. An hour elapsed before any signs of disturbance were noticed, but then it was evident that a mob was gathering. Messrs. Keating and West asked permission to enter into the warehouse to confer with Mr. Gilman, and being admitted, informed us that unless the press was given up the building would be burned over our heads. We had, early in the evening, selected for our captain, Enoch Long, who had seen some service, thinking occasion might require concerted action on our part. His method of defense was much milder than some of us advocated, for we considered it best to fire on the mob and make short work of it; but he commanded that no one should shoot without his order, an order which, from mistaken motives of mercy, he hesitated to give until it was too late to intimidate the besiegers.

"The crowd gathered and attempted to force an entrance, but were temporarily checked in consequence of the order of our captain to one of his men to fire upon them in return for their shot, which had entered the building. Our shot proved fatal, killing one of the mob, whose name was Bishop. The lull was short; the mob returned, reinforced by ruffians who had been drinking, and with savage yells they shouted that they would 'fire the building and shoot every d-d Abolitionist as he tried to make his escape!' No orders were given us for concentrated fire at any time; it was all hap-hazard, and every man did as he thought best. At this juncture, the mayor appeared, and we asked him to lead us out to face the mob, and, if they would not disperse upon his command, that he should order us to fire upon them. His answer was, that he had too much regard for our lives to do that, but at the same time he most distinctly justified us in our defense. He attempted, afterward, to disperse them himself, but his power was gone-they merely laughed at his authority, as his weak and nerveless treatment of them on former occasions had destroyed all his influence as a magistrate.

"Attempts were now made to fire the building, and against one side, in which there were no openings, a

ladder was placed to reach the roof, on which a man ascended with a burning torch. Captain Long called for volunteers to make a sortie, in order to prevent the accomplishment of their purpose, and Amos B. Roff, Royal Weller, and Elijah P. Lovejoy promptly stepped forth to execute his order. As they emerged from the building, shots were fired from behind a shelter, and five balls were lodged in the body of Mr. Lovejoy, others wounding Mr. Roff and Mr. Weller. Mr. Lovejoy had strength enough to run back and up the stairs, crying out as he went, I am shot! I am shot! I am dead!' When he reached the counting-room, he fell back into the arms of a bystander, and was laid upon the floor, where he instantly passed away without a struggle, and without speaking again.

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Soon Messrs. Keating and West again approached the building, and informed Mr. Gilman that the roof was on fire, but that 'the boys' would put it out if the press should be given up-that was what they wanted-and nothing should be destroyed or any one harmed if the surrender was made. Mr. Gilman, consulting with us all, said that there was property of great value on storage, and the interest of firms all over the State were represented, that he felt great responsibility, as Mr. Godfrey, his partner, was absent. To save these interests, he thought the building had better be abandoned and the press given up. Others coinciding in the opinion, it was decided to surrender the press, on condition that the mob would not enter the warehouse until we had left, and further, that our departure should be without molestation. These terms being accepted, we secreted our arms, and left the building together, but we were hardly out before the rioters broke their truce and more than a hundred bullets passed harmlessly over our heads. The fire in the warehouse was extinguished, and the press was taken out and destroyed.

"The next morning we returned to where the dead body of Lovejoy lay, and removed it to his late home.

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His wife was absent at the house of a friend, so prostrated by the shock of these terrible events that her life was despaired of for many days. Owen Lovejoy received the corpse of his brother at the house, and preparations for the funeral, to take place the following day, were then made.

"It was a rainy, depressing day, and I well remember now how Abram Breath, still a resident of Alton, and

myself walked together, through mud and water, to the grave. The burial service was simple, consisting merely of prayers, by Mr. Lovejoy's constant friend, the Rev. Thomas Lippincott; no remarks being made, lest the mob should disturb the last sacred rites of our beloved friend. There had been no inquest over his body, no flowers were strewn over his coffin. Mob-law not only reigned, but was insultingly triumphant.

"It was thought that the silence of death, under such circumstances, well became the burial of Liberty."

At the time this murder was perpetrated, Henry Clay was a United States Senator from Kentucky, and he boldly advocated gradual emancipation, in Congress, with the same freedom that he would have supported an appropriation bill, and went forth in the discharge of his daily duties without the fear of molestation by anybody. Yet in Illinois Elijah P. Lovejoy could not write or print his views upon the same subject without having his property destroyed, being himself personally abused and at last murdered by an infuriated mob.

But the crowning act of this heartless outrage was the utter neglect of the courts to take cognizance of the murder of Lovejoy.

John Carroll Power, custodian of the National Lincoln Monument, who visited the burial place of Lovejoy in 1870, writes that his grave was left unmarked by a stone until 1864, when Thomas Dimmick, a citizen of Alton, visited Boston, and procured a neat granite pedestal 25x 80 inches and 15 inches high, with a white marble slab 17126 inches, which bears this simple inscription:

HIC JACIT

LOVEJOY;

I am parce Sepulto.

CHAPTER XX.

FOURTEENTH GENERAL ASSEMBLY-1844-46.

The Fourteenth General Assembly convened December 2, 1844, and adjourned March 3, 1845.

Lieut.-Gov. Moore presided over the Senate, and Merritt L. Covell was elected Secretary. William A. Richardson was elected Speaker of the House, and Newton Cloud Clerk.

James A. McDougall, of Morgan county, became Attorney-General, January 12, 1843; Thompson Campbell, Secretary of State, March 4, 1843; William L. D. Ewing, Auditor of Public Accounts, March 26, 1843.

Mr. McDougall was born in New York; he removed to Pike county, Illinois, in 1887; in 1849, he originated and accompanied an exploring expedition to Rio del Norte, the Gila and Colorado; he afterward emigrated to California, and followed his profession at San Francisco; in 1850, he was elected Attorney-General of California; was a Representative in Congress from that State from 1853 to 1855, and in 1861 he was elected United States Senator; he was a delegate to the Chicago Convention in 1864. He died at Albany, New York, September 3, 1867.

The administration of Gov. Ford was a very arduous and embarrassing one. Besides the financial embarrassments of the State, he had the Mormon war upon his hands; but he successfully subdued the Mormons, and by his wise counsel greatly assisted the General Assembly in passing laws which gave the State and the people partial relief from their indebtedness.

Gov. Ford was born in Pennsylvania. In 1804, while a child, his parents emigrated to Illinois. When he attained manhood's estate, and prior to his election as Governor, he was a Justice of the Supreme bench, which position he resigned to become Governor. He wrote a history of Illinois from 1818 to 1847, which was printed by his friend, Gen. James Shields, after Gov. Ford's death, which occurred at Peoria, November 2, 1850.

MEXICAN WAR.

In the war between the United States and Mexico, which Congress declared on the 11th of May, 1846, and which prevailed two years, Illinois bore an honorable and conspicuous part. Six regiments of volunteer soldiers was her contribution in that sanguinary struggle. In a volume recently prepared by Adj.-Gen. Isaac H. Elliott, by authority of the General Assembly, we find the familiar names of Colonel John J. Hardin, who fell while gallantly leading the first regiment in a charge at the battle of Buena Vista, February 23, 1847; Major William A. Richardson, Lieutenant-Colonel B. M. Prentiss, First Lieutenant Isham N. Haynie, Second Lieutenant John A. Logan, Lieutenant-Colonel James L. D. Morrison, Colonel Stephen G. Hicks, Major S. D. Marshall, Captain M. K. Lawler, Second Lieutenant Green B. Field, Colonel Edward D. Baker, Second Lieutenant William B. Fondey, Sergeant Dudley Wickersham, First Lieutenant Richard J. Oglesby, Captain L. W. Ross, Sergeant Robert M. Peeples, Second Lieutenant John G. Ridgway, Colonel Wm. H. Bissell, and Lieutenant-Colonel Wm. B. Warren. The reports of that campaign, printed in the volume referred to, show that, in their official reports, Generals Taylor, Wool, Scott, Twiggs and Patterson each warmly commended the gallantry of Illinois soldiers; and Gen. Taylor complimented personally the services of Colonel Bissell, Lieutenant-Colonel