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nicate it to me.- -This" WATCHMAKER" is a man after my own heart.

Some peculator, who calls himself" A "Hampshire Man," has written me a letter upon the subject of the last Winchester meeting. For the reasons, stated in the beginning of my letter to Mr. Poulter, I shall not insert this letter; though I should, I must confess, be glad to see it published, particularly in this county, as a specimen of the folly as well as the baseness of those, who stand forward as the champions of corruption and peculation.

Botley, Dec. 15, 1808.

MAJOR HOGAN'S APPEAL. SIR,-Respecting as I do the great talents by which you are distinguished, and still more their bold and independent exercise, any suggestion from you naturally commands my attention.-I therefore feel myself urged to submit a few remarks upon two paragraphs which have lately appeared in your Register, upon the subject of Major Hogan's Appeal. In the first of these paragraphs, you require, upon the suggestion of a friend, that Major Hogan should publish the numbers of the notes, which your friend alleges may in that case be traced with facility; and in your second paragraph, you state, that, "if the Major does this, the "public will believe the account concerning "the notes to be true; if he does not, they

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will, with very great reason, believe it to "be a most atrocious falsehood." If this story be really false, Sir, I agree with you, as to its atrocity, nay, I should consider even the term atrocity as too feeble to describe its eharacter. But if it be true, Mr. Cobbett, in what terms of reprobation would you describe all the hireling scribblers, and scurrilous slanderers, all the newspapers, pamphlets, magazines, and reviews, which have, for the last two months, teemed with such vulgar venom against the reputation of Major Hogan This gallant officer's Appeal had not been long before the world, when several persons applied to know the numbers of the notes. But how simple must those who made the application have been, or how simple must they have conceived the person to whom they addressed it, in supposing that it would or could be safely complied with, while the agent of Major Hogan stood pledged to give up the notes to any person who could state their numbers. For, if the application had been acceded to, what se curity existed that some callous swindler would not avail himself of the information and immediately stand forward to claim the

notes? The motives that would prompt such a claim are obvious;-first, the claimant would obtain the notes, and secondly, he might secure favour, by producing such an evidence of spontaneous zeal. Such a suspicion you would certainly think excusable, were I to name to you four, in particular, of the gentry, by whom the application has. been actually made.-But the application of these men, Sir, materially differed from that which you have made: they required a private communication; you call for the publication of the notes, and with your proposition I am entirely disposed to concur.-Indeed so fully impressed have I been for some time, with the propriety of such a proceeding, in order to remove all doubt, and to facilitate the detection of guilt, that long before your paragraph ap peared, I had written to Major Hogan, strongly advising him, first to give the notes to some charitable institution, and then to publish the numbers.-But Major Hogan having gone to America, some time after the publication of the pamphlet, in order to make arrangements of property with his brother, who is one of the first merchants in the United States; the Major's agent must, wait for his acquiescence, before your pro position can he complied with.-The Major assured me, that he would return to Eng land by February or March; before that period, however, I have reason to hope for his answer to my request.-His compliance will, I assure you, afford me much satisfaction, although I do not feel myself in the slightest degree implicated, in any part of the transaction, having received the whole of the statement from Major Hogan, and taking it entirely upon his faith and credit, which I have no reason whatever to doubt, as I do not find the authenticity of any of the documents referred to in that publication, has ever been questioned.Upon this affair of the bank notes, I must, Mr. Cobbett, take leave to say, that I am by no means disposed to adopt the doubts, which seem to exist, as to the probability of such an event; for I can easily suppose, that a woman of fashion and intrigue might have quite sufficient motives for doing what is, by Major Hogan, stated to have been done by the person in question.

One of the pamphleteers asks with some air of triumph," what could have "taken any person to a newspaper office, "to inquire after Major Hogan's address, "which could be so easily known, by ap "plication at the Horse Guards?”—But the Major, having, some weeks before resigned

his commission, nothing about his address was known at the Horse Guards.-Another pamphleteer asks, why apply at a newspaper ffice, when the name of a bookseller appeared? But the fact is, that no bookseller's name appeared to the first advertisement, which was published in August.

MAJOR CARTWRIGHT, ON THE AFFAIRS

OF SPAIN.

Sir,―The Proclamation from Aranjuez, bearing date the 26th of October, and published in the "Times" of the 3d of this instant, fully justifies the conclusions drawn in my letter, inserted in your Register of the 29th of October, touching the patriotic views of the supreme junta; but if virtue herself be too slow in her movements, consequences the most fatal may ensue. As the salvation of Spain depended on the people being made politically free, and being armed, these were points on which there ought not to have been a moment's hesitation. The very first resolution of the supreme junta, and while the oath of fidelity was warm upon their lips, ought to have been, that a national cortes, equally representing the people, and annually elected by all who contribute to the taxes, should as soon as possible be assembled; and that all the able-bodied of the whole community should be instantly trained for war, and furnished with arms as expeditiously as they could be procured; and to these objects the whole energies of the junta ought, in the first instance, to have been directed.

Now, Sir, as to the facility of tracing the
notes, I rather think your friend has been
too sanguine. To satisfy you of that, I need
only refer to the case of Lord Melville,
where a committee of the House of Com-
mons, invested with powers, to send for
persons, papers, and records, found it ex-
tremely difficult to trace any of the notes,
and were entirely unable to trace some →
Then, Sir, if, with the means which that
committee possessed, obstacles arose, how
can it be so confidently stated, that it is in
the power of any individual, or even of the
directors of the Bank of England, to trace
the notes, alluded to in Major Hogan's Ap-
peal. It must be obvious, that any indi-
vidual may refuse to answer the application
of the person or persons endeavouring to
trace such notes, and the probability of a
refusal to answer, where the answer might
betray a party, making an improper appli-
cation of such notes, is so strong, that I al-
ways heard with surprise, have the confidently
language of those, who talked so much
about the facility of tracing these notes.-
After all, Mr. Cobbett, let us argue this
matter as we may, it must resolve itself into
a question of faith, and then you are to
consider, whether you will attach credit to
the words of Major Hogan, recommended
as he is, to your respect, by some of the
first military characters in the country, or
whether you will attend to the mere doubts,
surmises, and conjectures, of sycophants
in office, and anonymous libellers.--
Here let me conclude, Sir, with the repe
tition of your own words, that "the affair
* of the Bank notes has no connection with
"Major Hogan's case, which closes before
"this affair occurs."-But the motives
which urge that meritorious officer's assail.
ants, to dwell so much upon this affair, are
quite obvious. The case of Major Hogan
is found impregnable, because the grounds
of his complaint are undeniable, and there-
fore, it is thought expedient, by his foes,
to fix the public attention as much as possible,
upon the business of the Bank notes be-
cause it affords some opportunity for cavil
Jing.

THE PUBLISHER OF MAJOR
HOGAN'S APPEAL.

December 6, 1808.

These being the principles I have uniform. inculcated, they cannot, now that disas ters have been experienced, be called after thoughts; and I could appeal to a Spanish nobleman, for having, in a letter dated so far back as the 21st of June, expressed an anxiety for seeing "the English force with "the best of the Spanish in the service of "their country, in the Pyrennees."-What have been in both countries the causes of de lay, and what may be the fatal consequences, are objects worthy investigation; because a knowledge of them might be highly instruct ive. No time, however, ought to be lost in attempting to retrieve past errors; and, from the heroism and constancy of the Spanish character, much may be hoped for. If the mind of Spain be not subdued, the fa ther the enemy leads his columns into the country, the sooner perhaps he may be de stroyed. I say perhaps; for, knowing very little of actual circumstances, I cannot judge what is likely to be the event. We have, however, seen the confidence with which Buonaparte has undertaken the conquest of the Peninsula, at a time when the whole people were apparently hostile, and when every hand that had a weapon would be raised against him. If, under such circum stances, we should see that Peninsula actually subdued, the event must give birth to two reflections, on which we cannot ponder with

too much or too serious attention. First, that all the combinations of political and military powers, applicable to invasion and offensive war, have, in the French government, attained a degree of perfection far exceeding even those of Rome, and consequently whatever was before experienced among mankind; and that, for resisting the attacks of such an invader, nothing is to be depended on, short of the best combinations of political and military power which are applicable to defence. Secondly, that that national disease, of which inveterate despotism and habitual slavery are the indications, so breaks down and destroys the constitution, the energies, and the very means and capacities, of a state, that the mere dissolution of its detestable government is by no means a restoration of health and vigour. According to circumstances, its recovery must be a work of time of greater or less duration; as ge nius and virtue have more or less the ascendant; and as the true spirit of liberty shall be more or less aroused and cherished.

It was at an early period of the struggle, and in my first public letter on Spanish affairs, written on the 15th, and inserted in your Register of July, the 23d, that I used this language:" If she fail in the attempt,

it can only be, because she reformed and "armed too late; AND IF SHE FALL, WE

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KNOW WHOSE HARNESS, FOR THE FINAL

"CONFLICT, MUST BE NEXT BUCKLED ON." After just remarking, in confirmation of my second reflection, that eight months have now elapsed since the worn-out government of Spain was annihilated; and four months since the French power in the country was in effect broken by the capture of Dupont's army; which ought to have led to an early contest in the very passes of the Pyrennees, we in England ought not to lose a moment in effecting those reforms in our own government which, by equally restoring to health and vigour both the civil and military branches of our constitution, shall once more give us those best combinations of political and military power which are applicable to defence.

An attorney-general may think it a right season for proposing a statute, abridging the rights of liberty and adding to the severities of law; a court of King's Bench may think it a right season for acting upon most questionable precedents, in committing, for of fences in Middlesex, the convicted persons to distant gaols, thereby grievously and calamitously adding to the evils of legal imprisoument, and causing to the parties a heavy expence, although fine made no part of the sentence; ministers may think it a season

for mocking the nation with a species of tribunal which has all the qualities of a packed jury, and no one attribute of a court of justice or equity; and the great rival parties in the state may still think it a season, for factiously contending with each other for power; but ought not all parties, and all descriptions of men, rather to consider how long it may be, before we ourselves may have to contend with that invader, under whose prowess many are of opinion Spain and Portugal must sink?

Should such an event take place, it would need not the spirit of prophecy to foretel, that nought but reforms, civil and military, completely restoring to us those best combinations which are applicable to defence, could save the throne, or government of our country. But when those com binations are at the same time the very essence of our constitution, which, in the strictest sense, is a constitution of liberty and arms, were it not the first duty of king, ministers, parliament, and people, to restore whatever is in decay, and with ope heart and one soul build up again the dilapidated parts of our constitution, and rear again the fallen parts of our liberties, yet, as mere matter of the most vulgar prudence, it should seem advisable, not to neglect these things until the Iberian peninsula may become French, until the marine of France may double our own, and until the armies of France may be in Ireland or in England.

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But Mr. Miles, in his letter to the Prince of Wales, p. 73, tells us of “ a project of "suspending the constitution," which pro ject he attributes to one of whom he says, "the natural despotism of his temper is "well known, and it has lost nothing of "its stern and inflexible ferocity by a resi"dence in Asia, where it has been most 66 wofully felt." The reason which the person alluded to is said to have given for bis advice, is this, that the power of Buonaparte can only be effectually resisted by a power as despotic as his own.' But there are some objections to this conclusion. First, in the most effective combinations of political and military power, for offence and for defence, they are radical differences of principle. Secondly, neither of the humbled emperors, nor the king of Prussia, were at all deficient in despotic power. And, thirdly, if despotism is to be our defence against despotism, we may as well submit at once to that of Buonaparte himself, as that of the adviser, or any other. Nay, it would be more creditable as well as more beneficial: more creditable, because there is less discredit in submitting to a mighty con

queror, than to any traitorous usurper of contemptible pretensions; and more beneficial, as we should not only be spared the havoc and bloodshed of a contest, but, when once slaves, should at least be governed with transcendant ability.

As I am not, however, likely ever to become a convert to the preachers of despotism, so I must myself continue a preacher of REFORM.

I have remarked, that in the combinations for invasion and for defence, there is a radical difference. But this requires explanation and qualification In the present state of society, standing, regular, and highly disciplined armies, are best for invusion and conquest; but it is only in des potic states that such armies can arrive at the magnitude necessary for subduing extensive and potent states; for so long as any nation retains its liberty, its standing army must necessarily be limited in its numbers for the security of that liberty. A free nation, therefore, in these days of civilization, is, happily, unqualified for the conquest of other powerful nations. In the rude and ferocious ages prior to civilization it was otherwise; for then the nations most free were most warlike; and countries were not conquered by standing armies, discipline, and military science, but by whole nations of free men pouring into a territory more fruitful than their own, and exterminating or subduing nations less free, fierce, and hardy than themselves. My positions therefore remain unshaken, that in our own age despotism, with its unlimited standing armies, are the machinery for invasion; while liberty and the universal arms-bearing of the people, are the means of defence; always recollecting, that the more universal that arms-bearing of the people, the greater may be with safety the regular army of the country in question.

Nor, Sir, is reform, radical reform, only necessary to our political liberty, and to the preservation of our property from taxation at the will and pleasure of a minister, for corrupting parliamentary supporters, and for enlisting an immense army of civil mercenaries for the support of his power, to be paid out of the pockets of the betrayed and injured people; but it is necessary for restoring discipline aud vigour to every department of the state; that our affairs abroad as well as at home may not be conducted with imbecility, and our national efforts end in disappointment, and cover us with disgrace. In "A Short English Tale," written in answer to Major Hogan, it is made an apology for the commanders-in

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OFFICIAL PAPERS. ENGLAND AND FRANCE.-King of Eng land's Declaration against France. Dated Westminster, Dec. 15, 1808.

The overtures made to his majesty by the governments of Russia and of France have not led to negociation: and the intercourse to which those overtures gave rise being terminated, his majesty thinks it right thus promptly and publicly to make known its termination.-The continued ap pearance of a negotiation, when peace has been found to be utterly unattainable, could be advantageous only to the enemy. —It might enable France to sow distrust and jealousy in the councils of those who are combined to resist her oppressions: and if, among the nations which groan under the tyranny of French alliance, or among those which maintain against France a doubtful and precarious independence, there should be any which even now are balancing be tween the certain ruin of a prolonged inactivity, and the contingent dangers of an effort to save themselves from that ruin; to nations so situated the delusive prospect of a peace between Great Britain and France could not fail to be peculiarly injurious. Their preparations might be relaxed by the vain hope of returning tranquillity; or their purpose shaken by the apprehension of being left to contend alone.-That such was, in fact, the main object of France in the proposals transmitted to his majesty from Erfurth, his majesty entertained a strong persuasion. But at a moment when results so awful from their importance, and so tremendous from their uncertainty, might be depending upon the decision of peace or war, the king felt it due to himself to ascertain, beyond the possibility of doubt, the views and intentions of his enemies.-It was difficult for his majesty to believe, that the emperor of Russia had devoted himself so blindly and fatally to the violence and ambition of the power with which his imperial majesty had unfortunately become allied, as to be prepared openly to abet the usurpation of the Spanish monarchy; and to acknowledge and maintain the right

nation, would admit his majesty's consenting to commence a negotiation, by the abandonment of a brave and loyal people, who are contending for the preservation of all that is dear to man; and whose exertions in a cause so unquestionably just, his majesty has solemnly pledged himself to sus

tain.

assumed by France, to depose and imprisonmajesty, nor the generosity of the British friendly sovereigns, and forcibly to transfer to herself the allegiance of independent nations. When therefore it was proposed to his majesty to enter into negociation for a general peace, in concert with his majesty's allies, and to treat either on the basis of the Uti Possidetis (heretofore the subject of so much controversy), or on any other basis, consistent with justice, honour, and equality, his majesty determined to meet this seeming fairness and moderation, with fairness and moderation, on his majesty's part, real and sincere.-The king professed his readiness to enter into such negotiation in concurrence with his allies; and undertook forthwith to communicate to them the proposals which his majesty had received. But as his majesty was not connected with Spain by a formal treaty of alliance, his majesty thought it necessary to declare, that the engagements which he had contracted, in the face of the world, with that nation, were considered by his majesty as no less sacred, and no less binding upon his majesty, than the most solemn treaties; and to express his majesty's just confidence that the govern ment of Spain, acting in the name of his catholic majesty Ferdinand VII, was understood to be a party of the negotiation. The reply returned by Franee to this proposition of his majesty casts off at once the thin disguise, which had been assumed for a momentary purpose; and displays, with less than ordinary reserve, the arrogance and injustice of that government. The universal Spanish nation is described by the degrading appellation of " the Spanish

SPANISH REVOLUTION.-First Bulletin of the French Army of Spain, dated Vittoria, Nov. 9, 1808. (Continued from p. 928.) The marshal duke of Dantzic advanced against them, and broke through their centre. The 58th and 32d regiments distinguished themselves upon this occasion. Had these events occurred in the plains, not a man of the enemy would have escaped; but the mountains of St. Andero and Bilboa are almost impassa¦ ble. The duke of Dantzic pursued the foe during the whole of the day in the passes of Valmaseda.—In these various affairs, the enemy have lost, in killed and wounded, from 3500 to 4000 men.-The duke of Dantzic particularly praises the generals of division Laval and Sebastiani, the Dutch general Chassey, colonel Lacoste, of the 27th regiment of light infantry, colonel Baco, of the 63d regiment of the line, and the colonels of the regiments of Baden and Nassau, upon whom his ma jesty has conferred rewards.-The army is abundantly supplied with provisions, and the weather is very fine. Our columns are marching forward, and combining their movements. It is supposed that the headquarters will move forward to-night from Vittoria.

Second Bulletin of the French Army of Spain, dated Burgos, Nov. 12:

Insurgents;" and the demand for the admission of the government of Spain as a party to any negotiation, is rejected as in- The duke of Dantzic entered Valmaseda, admissible and insulting-With astonish- in pursuit of the foe. On the 8th, general ment as well as with grief his majesty has Sebastiani discovered the rear-guard of the received from the emperor of Russia a insurgents posted upon a high hill to the reply, similar in effect, although less in- right of Valmaseda: be immediately advanc decorous in tone and manner. The empe- ed against them, defeated them, and took ror of Russia also stigmatizes as "insur about 100 of them prisoners-In the mean*rection," the glorious efforts of the time, the city of Burgos was occupied by Spanish people in behalf of their legitimate the army of Estremadura, consisting of three Sovereign, and in defence of the independivisions. The advanced guard was comdence of their country; thus giving the posed of Walloons and Spanish guards; and sanction of his imperial majesty's authori- the students of the universities of Salamanca ty to an usurpation which has no parallel in and Leon, divided into several battalions, the history of the world.-The king would and some regiments of the line, with other readily have embraced an opportunity of necorps raised since the insurrection of Bada- gotiation, which might have afforded any hope jos, made the whole of the army amount. or prospect of a peace, compatible with to little short of 20,000 men. The command justice and with honour. His majesty of the cavalry of the army was given to mardeeply laments an issue, by which the suf-shal the duke of Istria; and the emperor ferings of Europe are aggravated and pro- confided the command of the second corps longed. But neither the honour of his to marshal the duke of Dalmatia,-On the

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