their religion, and their king. And such addresses their leaders, certainly, never would have published. had they not known that the people were enthusiastically attached to their prince. Since it thus so evidently appears, that the governments of the different provinces, as well as the people of Spain, have given their voice so unanimously in favour of the prince of Asturias to be their king; upon what principle is it, that you condemn the gentlemen at the City of London Tavern, at the dinner given to the Spanish deputies, for having drank the health of Ferdinand VII? On the promoters of this dinner, you have poured forth a torrent of the most unmerited abuse: for what reason it is not very easy to conjecture; for I cannot conceive, why a dinner, given by the bankers and merchants of the city of London to the Spanish deputies, as a mark of respect for them, and of attachment to their cause, should be more a subject of censure than a dinner given by any corporation, in any port of this country. Of your remarks on this dinner, it is foreign from my object to take any notice, though there is one observation I cannot pass over in silence; talking of the quantity of turtle on the table, you exclaim: "how many hun"dreds of wretches have worked like galley "slaves, upon bread and water, to supply "this gluttonous repast!" If you mean by this to insinuate, that the expence of this dinner was defrayed from taxes, wrung from the earnings of the poor, you have made a most unjustifiable attempt to mislead the ignorant part of the public. If this is not the meaning of the passage, it can have no meaning at all; for I presume that the tavern-keepers, waiters, cooks, under-cooks, turnspits, &c. employed in cooking and serving up this dinner, were acting in the way of their business, and that they were as much obliged to the gentlemen by whom the expence of this dinner was paid, as the paper-makers, stationers, printers, printersdevils, newsmen, &c. &c. engaged in getting up the Political Register, are indebted to you, for the employment you give them, in printing and publishing that meritorious Journal, by which you and they earn so comfortable a subsistence, and the people of this country derive so much entertainment and instruction. But to return-if the gentlemen at the London Tavern knew what were the sentiments of the deputies, and of the Spanish nation, and if at this dinner, given in honour of them, and as a mark of attachment to their cause, they had omitted to toast king Ferdinand VII, they would have been guilty of a piece of rude

ness to their guests, totally unbecoming the character of Englishmen,-a piece of rudeness which could have been equally foreign from sound policy, as contrary to every rule of civility and politeness. They would have been, thereby, taking upon themselves, to express their disapprobation of the conduct of the Spanish nation, and to interfere with the internal affairs of that people, which you must admit, would have been high presumption in a set of gentlemen assembled in their private capacities. They would also have been setting at defiance, the wholesome advice which you gave to the government and people of this country, not to interfere with the Spanish people, in the choice of their government. This advice, which you were so anxious to impress upon others, you yourself have lost sight of, as if you had been the only person in the nation, on whom there was no obligation to follow it. If the Spanish patriots, instead of declaring for Ferdinand, had resolved to establish a republican form of government; if the Bri tish ministry, taking alarm at this step, bad remonstrated against it, and threatened to withdraw their succours, and to leave Spain to contend alone with Buonaparte; in what terms of severity and reproach, would you have deprecated their conduct? You would have told them, that, by such an unjustif ble interference, they were sacrificing the best interests of the country, and throw away the most favourable opportunity th had ever been presented to them, of resist ing with effect, the exorbitant power France. But, impolitic as such conduct would have been, it is the very thing which you, by the means of your Journal, are now endeavouring to effect. By the opinion you have expressed of the choice of Ferdinand VII, and by the arguments with which that opinion is attempted to be sup ported, you have done what lies in your power to thwart the cause of Spain, and to assist the tyrannical attempts of Napoleon. I do not, however, dread, that the publish ing of your sentiments will be attended with so alarming consequences; it will only prove your own inconsistency, and how little re gard you can pay to your own advices and opinions. Your Journal will not in all probability reach Spain; and there is no great risk that any thinking people in this country will be misled by your arguments. But, so far as your power goes, you have at tempted to raise a jealousy of this country, in the breasts of the Spanish leaders you have attempted to render the people of England lukewarm to their cause; you have attempted to mislead the people of

of

England, by making them believe, that they are to be taxed for carrying on a war in Spain, for a purpose which, if it succeed, must be productive of harm to this nation, and to every nation in Europe. It is for you, Mr. Cobbett, to reconcile such conduct with sound policy, and with your former opinions on the subject of the Spanish revolution-But, if the question were whether the Spaniards had acted prudently in choosing Ferdinand for their king, it would be no difficult matter, not only to prove the affirmative, but to demonstrate, that it was the only possible measure, which could enable them effectually to resist the power of France. When the juntas of the provinces were called to arms, people so circumstanced as the people of Spain then were,-suddenly deprived of their king and government,-it was necessary, in order to insure unanimity, to shew to them not only what they were to fight against, but what they were to fight for. To defend the liberties of their country, against the base attempts of a treacherous and perfidious tyrant, was no doubt a cause sufficient of itself, to rouse to arms, a people so brave and so gallant as the Spaniards. Bit to render the rising of the people general; to secure unanimity, and prevent the growth of faction, it was necessary that an ultimate object should be pointed out to them,-that the people should know the hand destined to sway the sceptre, when their exertions had freed the country from its foreign enemies ;-and to whom could they so naturally cast their eyes, as to Ferdinand, to whom the people were so unanimously, and so enthusiastically attached? Let it be supposed that the Spanish leaders, illuminated by the same enlightened policy which distinguishes you, Sir, had declared that the royal family had forfeited all right to the crown, and had merely called upon the people to take up arms to repel the invaders of the country; promising when that should be accomplished, to call a na tional assembly of the people, to choose a constitution, and frame a government for themselves; what, in all probability, would have been the result of so imprudent a step, what, but disunion, ruin, and defeat? The people no doubt would have armed; but one party would have declared for Ferdinand; another for king Charles, and a third for the proposers of the Convention; and from parties influenced by so different views, and actuated by principles, so hostile to each other, could any union in council, or cooperation in action, been expected? Would they have joined, with one consent,

to repel the foreign invaders, when they must have known, that whenever that end was effected, they would have to wage a civil war among themselves, for the settlement of the government? Such a measure would have given rise to a fourth faction in the nation, and that too in favour of Joseph Buonaparte. Prudent people, and such as had estates and property in the country, dreading the anarchy and confusion, which must necessarily ensue on a total dissolution of the government;-calling to mind the awful scenes that have been acted in France, under the government of a Convention; and unwilling to run the risk of bringing similar distress and inisery on their country, would have quiedy submitted to the usurpation of Buonaparte; and to the happiness of the people, sacrificed their liberties and independence. These evils have all been prevented by adhering to Ferdinand; and in so doing, the Spaniards have followed the prudent example of England in the year 1888. When James the VIIth abdicated the throne, and carried his son along with him, England did not make choice of a new family, but conferred the crown upon the daughters of their late king, and on their demise without issue, the parliament settled it on the nearest protestant heirs.You say that to restore the house of Bourbon to the throne of Spain, without any limitations whatever, will do harm to every nation in Europe, and particularly to this nation. But surely you do not mean to say, that it will be productive of equal harm to this country, as the establishment of Joseph Buonaparte on the throne of Spain? We had, therefore, but to choose between these two evils; prudence would surely dictate to us to choose the least. The consequences of the latter to this country, you have so well described in the 4th No of the present volume of the Political Register, that I cannot do better than give the passage in your words: " Napoleon once in

secure possession of Spain, would cly "keep us in a state of continual alarm: "all hopes of resistance would be extinguished upon the continent of Europe, which, united under one head, would, "and must, harrass us in a way that we "could not support, for any number of

years." If this, Sir. be your real opnion of the fatal consequences that must ense to this country from the subjugation of Spain, let us hear no more of the harm to every nation in Europe, and tos nation in particular, which the restoration of. the ancient government of Spain must occasion, refrain from declaiming on the

foliy and absurdity of England, spending her blood and treasure, to carry on a war in Spain for the restoration of the Bourbons;-and try not to damp the a dour of the people of England, in behalf of the Spanish patriots, when our assistance is of so great importance to them, in the glorious cause for which they have taken op arms, and when the consequences of the ir want of success must be so fatal to England —I do not believe, nor do you belive, if we can judge from what you have formerly written on the subject, that the an ient government with all its defects will be restored by the enthronement of Ferdit and the Vit. But even if it should, if Spain succeeds in driving out the French, the advantages to this country, political as well as commercial, will be very great. The influence which France has so long retained over the government of Spain will be destroyed, aad bain will be thrown into the arms of Eozind The family compact, which had existed so long to the disadvantage of Eugland as well as of Spain, was anihilated by the expulsion of the Bourbons from France. It is true, that the influence of France still continued to operate, even down to the day that Ferdinad arrived at Bayoane, but that was occasioned by the terror, with which the power of France inspired a weak and cowardly government. But if Spain succeed in defeating the attempts of Napoleon, and securing her independence, the dread of the power of France will no longer operate on the Spanish government; pain will have become conscious of her own strength, and will no longer submit to be the tool of France, or sacrifice her dearest interests to the views and caprices of Buonaparte. Gratitude to England, and hatred of France, which the present perfidious attempts of the latter must inspire,, will naturally occasion a close connexion betwixt Spain au England. It is well known that there is a great similarity of character between the two n. tions; and that the people of Spain have always been remarked for a strong predilection in favour of England. The peculiar wants of each other, and their mutual ability to supply those wants, would promote a commercial intercourse equally beneficial to both nations. Such an interceurse has been long earnestly wished for in Spain, as appears by their well known adage : "Con todo el mundo guerra, y paz con Ynglatterra "—"Peace with England, and war with all the world?" and to establish such an

intercourse will be the object of the governinent, as well as the wish of "or people of Spain. I have the honour to be, Sir, your obliged humble servant, --SEMPRONIUS.-Forth-Bank, 24th of August, 1508.

N. B-This letter has been raislaid, or it should have appeared long .-W. C. OFFICIAL PAPERS.

HoLLAND. Dutch Commercial Decree, dated 18th October, 1808. (Concluded from page 800.)

The

They are further 'authorised to correspond direct with ourselves, in such Cases where they have any information of great importance to communicate to us, and particularly to acquaint ns with any instances of neglect or backwardness on the part of the civil or military agents. The naval and military force shall also be at their disposal, in all that relates to the watching of the coasts and ports. telegrinhs are likewise placed immediately under their orders.-Art. IV. Fishing-boats shall be compelled to return to the havens from which they sailed. They shall, upon no consideration, be admitted elsewhere, not even under the pre ext of having suffer ed damage; and wherever any trace shall be discovered of a communication having takes place with the enemy, such as persons being found on beard, not belonging to the cres, or the smallest package of merchandize, letters, or newspapers, the boat shall become the property of the civil or military anthorities who shall have contributed to her seizure, as soon as a decree of seizure is pronounced by the judges, which shall be within 14 days at the farthest. - Art. V. All nations or foreign merchantmen entering any of our havens or roads of any descrip tion shall be warned by a boat to keep off, and that if they do not they will be fired at. No excuses can be admitted, letters received or any intercourse entered into with them. Ships of war and those of friendly nations, are afone excepted.-Art. VI. All decrees, regulations, and other dispositions, hereto tore adopted, relative to the shutting of the havens, and the prevention of communica tion with the enemy, shall remain in full force. Art. VII. Our members of finance, marine, colonies, justice, and police, are each in his respective department, charged with the execution of the present decree.➡ Given at our Palace at Utrecht, 18th Octo ber, 1808, in the thad year of our reign. -(Signed) LODEWYK.

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HAMPSHIRE MEETING,

For the nomination of a member to serve in Parliament, in the room of Sir Henry Mildmay, Baronet, deceased; which meeting was held at Winchester, on the 23d of November, 1808, in consequence of the following Requisition and Notification.

"To the High Sheriff of the County of Southampton.

"Winchester, Nov. 15, 1808. "SIR-The much lamented death of Sir HENRY PAULET ST. JOHN MILDMAY, Bart. having occasioned a vacancy in the representation of this county, we earnestly intreat you to call a meeting of the gentlemen, clergy, and freeholders, to consider of a proper person to be put in nomination to sucseed to him as early as convenient.

H. Drummond, L. B. Wither,

Wm. Heathcote,

P. Williams,

John Garnett,

John Blackburn,

William Garrett, Wm. Deacon, George Garrett, James Deacon, David Lance, Wm. Fitzhugh,

J W. S. Gardiner, S. Harrison. "In compliance with the above request, I do hereby appoint a meeting of the gentlemen, clergy, and freeholders of the county of Southampton, to be holden at the castle of Winchester, in the said county, on Wednesday next, at twelve o'clock at noon, for the purpose above-mentioned.—G. H. MITCHELL, SheriffTitclifield Lodge, Nov. 17, 1908."

At twelve o'clock, the sheriff opened the business, having adjourned from the Courthouse (which was considered as too small to hold the Freeholders assembled upon the occasion) to the Grand Jury Chamber, into which persons, who wished to take an active part in the proceedings, were admitted, while the assemblage of Freeholders remained in the Castle-yard, and were addressed from the windows.

The Sheriff having read the requisition, and stated his intention finally to take the sense of the meeting by the shew of hands, Sir THOMAS MILLER, Baronet, came forward, and recommended, as a proper person to represent the county, the Hon. WILLIAM HERBERT, which was seconded by Sir CHARLES MILL, Bart. Then Sir

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JOHN POLLEN, Bart. recommended THOS FREEMAN HEATHCOTE, Esq. a son of Sir WILLIAM HEATHCOTE, which recommendation was seconded by Sir NATHANIEL HOLLAND.

These formalities having, in the course of a few minutes, been gone through, Mr. PoкTAL, a friend of Mr. Herbert, came forward, and began an address to the freeholders, with observing upon the unfairness of the conduct, which, upon this particular occasion, the Sheriff had been induced, from the party purposes of those who signed the requisition and others connected with them, to pursue. He said, that the notice to the freeholders was so short, that it was impossible, supposing every one of them to see the newspapers in due course of their publication, all the freeholders could have been apprized of this day's meeting; because, the provincial papers do not bear date till the Monday; are not, in fact, delivered till the Monday, except in places locally favoured in this respect; are not delivered in many parts of the county till the Wednesday morning; and, therefore, it was very probable, and, indeed, almost certain, that there were many of the freeholders at home, reading the notification for the holding of this meeting, at the very moment that the meeting was holding. appealed to all who heard him, whether such a notice was not unprecedented; whether any meeting, of this sort, had, by any Sheriff, ever been before called, without, at least, two weeks notice; and, he expressed his hope, that no Sheriff would hereafter, from any motives whatever, and especially from motives such as those which had evidently prevailed in this instance, be induced to do what had now been done.Mr. Portal then called the attention of the meeting to the perilous situation of Europe in general, and of Spain and Portugal in particular. He said, that the question was now to be decided, and that there appeared to be little time left for the decision, whether the brave, the generous, and the noble Spaniards were to be delivered from the grasp of the unprincipled, unsparing and ferocious tyranny of the despot of France, or whether they were to reush

He