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POLITICAL REGISTER.—Exposition of Don Pedro Cevallos.

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the person of the prince, that he may be sent into France.' This determination of his royal highness the prince of Asturias, perhaps, has not yet reached the junta. this case it appears that his royal highness must wait for the answer of his majesty the emperor; but the junta will see, that to answer the prince of Asturias will be to decide a different question, and it is known that his imperial majesty cannot recognise as king any other than Charles IV.-I beg the junta to take this note into their consideration, and to have the goodness to answer me on the subject, in order to give an explanation to his imperial highness the grand duke of their decision.-The government and the Spanish nation will see in this resolution of his imperial majesty, only a new proof of the interest he takes in Spain; because, in removing to a distance the prince of Peace, he wishes to deprive malevolence itself of the possible belief that king Charles will restore to power and to confidence one whom he has resigned for ever; and further, the jata of government certainly will do justice to the exalted sentiments of his majesty the emperor, who would not abandon his faithful ally.-I have the honour to offer to the junta the assurance of my high cansideration. The general in chi-f of the etat major general,--AUGUSTO BELLIARD. Madrid, 20th April, 1808.'-He added, verbaly, to this note such atrocious and unheard-of threats, that the junta, no doubt fearful lest they should be realized, and that the tranquility of Madrid would be shaken, bad the weakness to accede to the proposition, and commanded the Marquis de Castelar, by order of the king, the same night, to deliver up the prisoner, which, in fact, was done with great repugnance on his part, and on the part of all the officers who had him in custody.-A proper regard to truth requires that it should be said, that don Francisco Gil, secretary of state and of marine affairs, and in consequence member of the junta of government, opposed the surrender of the prisoner, because it was not authorized by the king-It is difficult to conceive how, after such direct acts as those that are stated, the junta of government should proceed to inform the council and the public, by the means of two extraordi nary gazeties, that the prince of Peace had been delivered up by order of the king. The same difficulty occurs, how this junta could endeavour to excuse its weakness, by distorting expressions of the official correspondence: as for example, a passage in the dispatch addressed to the council, which this tribunal, in its manifest, folio 14 of the

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quarto, cites in the following terms :- As to what respects the prisoner don Manuel Godoy, the king commands me to inform the junta, in order that they may make the proper use of this notice, that his m jesty esteems too highly the wish expressed by the emperor of the French, not to gratify it, extending at the same time generosity in favour of a criminal who had offended the royal person. With little reflection, it ought to have occurred to them, that this supposed order was not intended to give liberty to the prisoner, but that the king was disposed to extend generosity towards him out of respect to the emperor. In order to know what species of generosity this was, it was only necessary to recur to the decree which his majesty addressed to the council, and which it has inserted, folio 15 of the same edition. Under the same date of the 15th of April, a royal order was addressed to the Marquis de Castelar, notwithstanding || his majesty's firm persuasion that his royal parents laboured under a mistake, directing that every care should be taken of the heali of the prisoner; and if at the same time the king had commanded that the junta of go vernment should have set him at bet", such a precantion with regard to his would have been idle and ridiculous. sides this, when the junta of governac gave an account to the king of the conside rations and motives that they had for setting the prisoner at liberty, which are the same that have been stated, his majesty commanded me to reply in the following terms:

The king is made acquainted with the mo tives the junta of government had for the de livery of the prisoner without his order."The two chief officers of the first secretary of state, and of the cabinet of his majesty and his secretaries of decrees, don Euseb de Bardaxi y Azara, and don Luis de On (through whose hands they were passed) cer tify this statement of the junta, and of the reply of the king.-I have considered it be my duty to publish these transactions, that the whole nation may be informed c the circumstances which occasioned the sur render of dou Michael Godoy, which is falsely attributed to his majesty, who think of abandoning the solemn promise he gave to his beloved people, to judge him according to the laws, and that we should on this account be more strongly confirmed in the ardent affection we cherish for our be loved king Ferdinand VII. whom God restore, as soon as possible, for the complerica our happiness.-We, don Eusebio Bardası Azara, and don Luis de Onis, secretaries y decrees to our lord the king, and principal

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py issue hitherto of their civil administration, and the military enterprises which they have directed, have placed in the most conspicuous light, and established beyond all doubt, this fundamental truth, and most essential political principle.—But who is to create this spreme civil goverment? Who are to

officers of the first secretary of state, and of the cabinet, certify the fact of the representation of the junta of government, and the answer returned to it by the king; and that they were conceived in the terms stated by the most excellet signor don Pedro Cevallos, in his Expositions; the documents having passed through our hands, and which we authenticate by our signatures.-EUSEBIO DE BAKDAXI YAZARA-LUIS DE ONIS.-rity? How shall it be established without Madrid, Sept. 3, 1808.

OFFICIAL PAPERS.

SPANISH REVOLUTION.-Manifesto of the Junta of Seville, Aug. 3. 1808. (Continned from p. 570).

Various supreme juntas and military chiefs have expressed their conviction of this truth. -A conviction of the same springs from the indispensable necessity of a civil government in every nation whose duty is to attend to the happiness of the kingdom, and to which the military may be subordinate. The confidence of the nation, and, conse quently, the public funds and the capitals of individuals, must, necessarily, have a civil government for their support. Without it, the military power would, indispensably, be under the necessity of employing vio lence, with the view of acquiring that confidence which it never could attain, and getting a command of those capitals, which it would be equally possible for it to bring within its grasp; and thus it would ultimately destroy the public prosperity and happiness, which ought to be the sole object of every government. Let us not vainly flatter ourselves with notions of Roman dictators, and the other military chiefs of the ancient republics: they were placed under very prudent restraints, and the duration of their authority was limited to a very short period. The dangers of complete despotism and usurpation kept them in continual alarm, and compelled them to take very rigorous precautions, which are very incompatible with the habits of modern times. Spain has derived: lesson of wisdon from the history of past ages she ha- never thought of appoint ing a mary dictator. Her military chiefs (and it is a fact most honourable to the panisa name) h've been the first to emarice, with the utmost cordiality, a system of things as ancient in Spain as the anarchy itself. The experience of our tunes—the confidence of the people in the supreme junfas the facility and abundance with which pecuniary resource have been placed at their disposal the heroic loyalty with which the military chiefs and the army have ac knowledged and obeyed them, and the hap

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compose it? Where shall be its place of residence? What the extent of its autho

interrupting the public tranquillity, and producing disunion among the different provinces? How is the public opinion to be so regulated as that, without opposing it, this tranquillity shall be attained, and all risk of disturbance obviated? These are the importaut and serious questions which we shall now proceed to examine; and upon which, influenced solely by the love of our country, and our anxiety to promote its welfare, we will enter into a frank explanation of our sentiments. In the various papers that have been published upon this subject, we are told that the cortes should assemble; that they should elect representatives; and farther, that the old council of Castile should convoke them, and the whole of the proceeding should be executed under its authority. Most assuredly we do not understand the grounds upon which this decision rests. The council of Castile, though a awful assembly, never convoked the cortes. Why. then, should we give it an authority which it does not possess? Is it because it lent the whole weight of its influence to such important changes, with regard to which it had no powers, nor any authority whatsover? Is it because it has acted in opposition to those fundamental laws, which it was established to preserve and defend? Is it because it afforded every facility to the enemy to usurp the sovereignty of Spain, to destroy the hereditary succession of the crown and the dynasty legally in possession, and recog nized and scated on the throne a foreigner, destitute even of a shadow of a title to it for it is incontrovertibly manifest, that the renunciation of Charles IV. in his favour gave him no such clain? What confidence could the Spanish nation place in a government created by an authority invalid and illegal, and which had also rendered itself suspected, by the previous commission of acts of so horrible a description, that they may be justly ranked with the most atrocious crimes against the country?—The council of Castile being thus excluded from all consideration-who should convoke the cortes? The authority to convoke them is a part of the peculiar and exclusive prerogative of the king. The provinces would not submit to

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any other authority; they would not unite; there would be no cortes; and should a few delegates assemble, that very circumstance would expose the kingdom to division-the evil which all wish to avoid.--Besides, the cities who have yotes in the cortes have not undertaken the defence of the kingdom, nor of themselves, nor in their corporate capacity have they made any effort to defend it. We entertain the most profound respect both for them and their rights; but truth compels us to speak out.-Most undoubtedly, however, the cities who have votes in the cortes, in thus conducting themselves, acted with consummate prudence, and with a due observance of law. The kingdom found itself suddenly without a king and without a government-a situation indeed unknown in our history and to our laws. The people legally resumed the power of appointing a government; and this truth has been openly avowed by various supreme juntas. The people created these juntas without paying any regard to the cities who have votes in the cortes. legitimate power is therefore deposited with the supreme juntas, and, in virtue of that power, they have governed and do govern with real authority, and have been and still are acknowledged and obeyed by all ranks of subjects, and by all cities in their respective districts, having votes in the cortes. Their situation has not changed; the danger still exists; no new authority has surpervened; the lawful authority therefore resides entire in the juntas which the people created, and to which they confided it.-It is, therefore, incontestible that the supreme juntas have the sole and exclusive right of electing those who are to compose the supreme government, as the only means of protecting and preserving the kingdom, whose defence the people have entrusted to them, and which cannot be accomplished but by the establishment of a supreme government. Nothing is more evident than this truth.-And whom shall the supreme junta elect? Most certainly individuals of their own body; for they alone derive their power from the people, and it is in their constituent members that the people have reposed their entire confidence. Should any other persons be chosen, they would possess neither the confilence nor the consent of the people, and all their acts would be null and void; and from this want of confidence, the nation would be exposed to intestine divisions, the lat and greatest of all our calamities.Hence, if there be any province in which the military power has alone been retained, results the absolute necessity of constituting supreme juntas in which the power of the

people shall reside, and by which they may act. Whether they shall be constituted by the petty cortes or any other bodies, their appointment in some form or other is indispensable, in order to the concentration of the legitimate power of the people, and the establishment of a civil government, which shall inspire confidence into the people, and proceed to the choice of persons who shall compose the supreme government, which, under the present circumstances, cannot be legitimate, unless it has its origin in the free consent of the people.-It seems then to be indispensably necessary, that all the supreme juntas, meeting on the same day, should each elect from among their own members two deputies to form the supreme government, and the persons so elected should, from that moment, be reputed, and actually be the governors-general of the kingdom; and that as such they should be universally acknowledged and obeyed.-Their authority is well known, and cannot be subject to any doubt. The supreme junta of Valencia has most judiciously marked its extent and limits, in the paper which they published on this question, on the 16th of July. We shall, therefore, be excused from going more at large into the consideration of it.-We will only add, thịt the supreme juntas ought to be contined with all their appointments and insig and be invested with the internal govern ments of their respective provinces, until the conclusion of the present state of things, but at the same time under due subordination to the supreme government. In those sopreme juntas resides the legitimate power of those portions of the people who have respectively created them. It is their duty to take measures for insuring the happiness of their constituents, through the medium of a just government, and vigilantly to protect and defend the rights of every individual among them. For this purpose they ought to give their instructions to their respective deputies, constituting the supreme government; and it will be the duty of the latter to observe them, and to represent and sup port the claims of their provinces, as far as may be consistent with the general prospe rity. If there existed among us a royal personage, capable of presiding in this su preme government, reason and justice prescribe that he, and no other, should be ap pointed to that office. But if there be no such royal personage, the supreme govern ment must elect a president from its own body. To obviate every danger, however, the presidency should be temporary, and continue only for a fortnight, a month, or

any other term agreeable to the supreme government; upon the lapse of which period it should be incumbent on them to choose a different person. We have already remarked, and it is unnecessary to repeat it, that the supreme juntas should elect as deputies to the supreme government such of their members as are mos. distinguished for their taleats, their general knowledge of legislation, and all the branches of public welfare and government, recollecting that they are to be the depositaries of the hopes of the kingdom. The supreme junta, in full reliance upon the generous character of Spaniards, and their ardent attachment to the good of their country, assures itself that intrigue, party, or personal interest or predilections, will have no influence upon this occasion,-The supreme juntas will, in the first instance, appoint the place, which shall be the seat of the supreme government, who shall afterwards adhere to or alter that ap pointment, as they think fit, according to a plurality of votes. The seat of government, as has been most wisely observed by the supreme junta of Valencia, ought to be at a distance from all the dangers of war, and shouid, as a claim to preference, possess ather advantages of a local nature. Seville conceives herself to possess all these advantages but has no anxiety to be selected; for she will most cordially sacrifice all her claims to what the other supreme juntas shall decide to be for the general prosperity of the kingdom. The supreme juntas will, therefore, make known their pleasure as to this point, when they notify the election of their deputies. In the meantime we will frankly state that La Mancha appears to us most convenient for the seat of government, and there we would particularly name its large cities of Ciudal Real or Almagro. But on this subject we are nowise anxious; we leave it entirely to the free choice of the supreme juntas.-It remains only that we speak of this supreme junta of Seville, upon which point we shall not say much. Certain persons, either ignorant or malevolent, have endeavoured to spread the persuasion that we affected a superiority over the other provinces. Any such thought has been far from us, although the general good of the nation has been our guide, and as it were the soul of all our determinations. We possessed the only foundery for cannon in the kingdom, and arms and ammunition in a certain degree of abundance. Various captains general acknowledge us from the commencement, and veteran troops were more numerous in our province than in other parts; and thus we formed an army in a

shorter time, and have harassed the enemy, who have surrendered prisoners, of war, with their general, Dupont, and have capitu lated for the divisions of generals Vedel and Gobert, who are to be conducted to France, amounting, altogether, to 17,000 men, so that there does not remain a single French soldier in arms in the Andalusias; a victory most glorious and singular, which has been effected without the effusion of much Spanish blood, in which it appears we stand alone. The local situation of the Andalusias presents also a more probable mode of defence against the arms of Napoleon, if he means to attack us; and, with this view, we have united with us the Portuguese provinces of Agarve and Alentexo, who have piaced themselves under our protection; and the Canary Isles have sent us a deputy for the same purpose.-The greater opulence and other peculiar circumstances of those provinces offer resources which the rest want; and we have thus been enabled to make provision for immense expence, without having received any money from any other part, or imposed any contributions. The marine arsenal of the isle of Leon," perhaps the most considerable of all, obeyed us from the beginning, and with it the Spanish squadron off Cadiz, whose force is the greatest, and has been since augmented by that of the French moored in that harbour, and surrendered to us at discretion.--Gibraltar, the famous English fortress, is in our territory, and one of the most numerous squadrons of that nation kept our coast in a state of blockade. We immediately, therefore, opened a communication with Gibraltar, and with the English squadron, which has given us all the assistance that was in its power, sent us a resident minister at the very first, and conveyed our deputies to London, to request subsidies, and settle a peace advantageous to the whole nation.Amidst so many serious cares, we have transmitted all the arms which it was possible to transmit to Granada Estremadura has received a still greater number, and has experienced our protection, and so has Cordova and Jaen. We have offered arms to La Mancha, to Murcia, to Tarragon, to Gerona, who requested them of us, and we exerted ourselves to the utmost to fulfil the promises which we had made.- We have not forgot the rest of the European provinces and kingdoms, and we hope in time that the effects of our zeal and vigilance will be made clear and public.-The Americas claimed at the first a great share of our attention, in order to preserve that so principal part of the Spanish monarchy. We have

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army is anxious to establish your civil go. vernment upon the same footing in which it was left by your beloved prince, when, assisted by the constant friends of his person and his throne, he escaped from his most insidious enemies. Without losing a moment, we are endeavouring to effect this measure, and to substitute a civil govern ment to the military; to accomplish which, however, some days will be requisite. In order, then, that the evil disposed (if such there be) may not convert true liberty into unbridled licentiousness, and in order to avoid, in the present crisis, the terrible conse quences of such disorder, it belongs to the commander-in-chief, and to those to whom he has immediately delegated the superin tendance of the public tranquillity of this city, to watch with all vigilance over its peace and quiet, and to give security to the persons and property of its loyal and worthy inhabitants. To optain this desirable end it will be necessary, for a short time, to maintain strong guards, piquets, and patroles, in various directions, in order to seize and take into custody every person who shall attempt to disturb the public peace.-You may rejoice, inhabitants of Lisbon! You have great cause for gladness; and your English friends, participating in your sentiments,

sent envoys and commissaries thither and to Asia, in order that they may unite themselves to us, which we could not do without qualifying ourselves as the supreme junta for the government of Spain and the Indies, and we trust that this title and our cares will not be found useless. So many labours, surrounded by so many dangers, will, we trust, deserve some consideration of our country, for the love and defence of which only we have done and suffered so much.With all this, we repeat that we neither affect nor desire any superiority. Whatever we have done, we owed to our country: it was an indispensable obligation upon us. Our only object is, that Spain may preserve its integrity and independence, for our lord and king, Ferdinand VII; and for that object we joyfully sacrifice our lives. May God, who has so clearly and marvellously shewn his protection of Spain, grant a safe return to its king Ferdinand VII! And then with the supreme government, he will determine what may be his royal will, either commanding an union of the cortes, or by such other means as his prudence may suggest, and will facilitate the reform of abuses and the general happiness of the kingdom, securing it upon such foundations as are firm, and subject to no change.-If these hopes are vain, in which the clemency of Godrejoice equally with you. Never let it leads us to indulge; then the existing su preme government will itself determine what is most conducive to the interest of the kingdom, conforming itself to the funda mental laws thereof, defending it against the fury and malice of our enemies, and preserving this monarchy, in which itself, the liberty of nations, and the Catholic church, the beloved spouse of our Lord Jesus Christ, is so deeply interested.-Given at the royal palace of Seville, this 3d day of August, 1808.-FRANCIS SAAVEDRA, Archbishop of Laodicea; the Dean of the Chapter of the Holy Church; FRANCIS XAVIER CIENFUEGOS VINCENT HORE; FRANCIS DIAZ BERMUDO: MANUEL GIL, C. M.; Father JOSEPH RAMIREZ; JUAN FERNANDO AGUIRE; Count TILLY; Marquis de la GRANINA; Marquis de TORRES, and eleven others.

REVOLUTION IN PORTUGAL.-Proclamation by Lieutenant General Hope, commanding the Troops of his Britannic Majesty, for the immediate Security and Tranquillity of Lisbon.

Inhabitants of Lisbon ;-Your country is rescued, and you are restored to freedom your national flag is flying in every quarter of the kingdom, and his excel. ency the general-in-chief of the British the British

permitted, however, that the evil dispoel should thereby have an opportunity of promoting insurrection or confusion! But let them beware of such a design! The most vigorous and effective means are prepared for suppressing any attempt of this nature, and all who may be guilty shall be punished according to military law, in the most prompt, rigirous and exemplary manner; and for the purpose of removing every temptation to interrupt the peace of the city, I prohibit, under the present circumstances, the enter ing the city with arms, and the wearing them in the public streets. All inns and taverns, where wine or spirituous liquors are sold in small quantities, are, for the same reason, required to be shut up at six in the evening, and not to open before sun-rise, under the pain of imprisonment to the dealers, and forfeiture of their liquors.-Finally, Ijnvite all persons, who possess any authority or influence whatever, and whether included or not in the body of the magistracy, and more particularly the holy ministers of re ligion, to assist the military power in preserving the tranquillity of the capital, until the much wished for object of seeing the con stituted civil authorities in the exercise of their functions be obtained.-God save the Prince Regent ! Viva! Viva!-J. Horg lieutenant-general.

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