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siderable breweries, wherein the principal himself, and not an ignorant deputy, directs the process. To such men the study of the practice affords a pleasing amusement, which leads them to ascertain the qualities of, and rightly to distinguish between, the four only articles which are useful and necessary, and all others which are very far worse than seless. Besides, it is not in the power of any brewer, however well experienced and instructed in the business, to obtain so large a proportion of vinous strength, as well as some other of the most desirable qualities in beer, from small as from larger brewings.This is no chimera; for a powerful cause might be deduced from theory, if that were wanting, to explain the fact. This disadvantage, together with the general want of system among the inferior brewers, cannot fail to occasion the very serious waste of one fourth part of all the malt committed to their injudicious treatment. Any remarks on the effects of this annual loss, amounting, as might be shewn, to 400,000 quarters) of barley, from the national stock of corn, would lead me farther than I intended; and would also intrude more on your valuable paper than I could expect will be allowed. -I am, very respectfully, Sir, yours, &c. A HAMPSHIRE BREWER.-Nov. 4th, 1808.

CITY OF LONDON.

RESOLUTION RELATIVE TO THE KING'S ANSWER. (Concluded from page 736.) He should not deny that we were at all times entitled to petition his majesty, and to state our grievances; but would any man contend, that his majesty had not an equal right to make what answer he thought proper to such Address or Petition? He threw out of his consideration the idea which some gentlemen seemed to entertain that in going up to the throne they were going up to the ministers. His view of the subject was very different. He conceived that the court had no right to know any thing farther of the Answer, than that it was the Answer of the sovereign, and in no other light were they entitled to regard it. It was on that understanding he supported the Address to its full extent; but he could never go the length of daring to dispute his majesty's right to answer it as he thought proper, however much he might lament the terms of

such Answer.

Mr. Alderman COMBE expressed his astonishment at the doctrine he had just heard, so false, and so justly reprobated as it had always been held in the best times of the Constitutional history of these kingdoms. The Answer of his majesty to an Address

was well known, and universally admitted to be the Answer of his ministers,,His majesty's speech was uniformly received and discussed in parliament as the speech of his ministers; and it was admitted to be competent for every man, public and private, to discuss it as he pleased. He did not question the right of his majesty to return what answer he chose to such addresses as thatcourt, or any other body, or number of individuals, might present to him. All he contended for was, the right of that court to state the sensation which they felt on receiving an answer such as the present to any Address which they might have presented to his majesty. The Address to which the Answer in question had been returned, was not to be treated as if it had been the Address of a faction, or of a short majority. It was the unanimous Address of that court, breathing a sentiment unanimously adopted through the country. The affront thrown on the court therefore, in the Answer which had been made to it, was uncalled for, and unnecessary. The motion now made did not bar or impeach the right of the crown to return any answer it thought proper. He hoped his hon. friend would follow it up with another Address, which should be again carried up to the throne, and which he should most cordially join in presenting.

Mr. Alderman BIRCH, referring to the words of the resolution, declaring that it was the right of the court to approach the throne" without obstruction or reproof," stated, that these were the words to which particularly, he objected.-Mr. CLARKE and another member submitted, that the use of the term "gracious Answer," when coupled with the resolution immediately following, would convey a contradiction in

terms.

Mr. Deputy GOODBEHERE argued, that if ever there was a time when the rights and privileges of the City of London ought not to be compromised, this was the period. As the Court asserted their own privileges and independence, so would they be appreciated by the country at large. The Answer of his majesty he regarded as being highly injudicious, improper, and dangerous. When one and all ought to be united with one heart and one hand, as an independent nation, the City of London had been loaded with insult and degradation. This, he submitted, was a crime of the greatest magnitude, as being calculated in an eminent degree to produce anarchy and confusion. As well might gentlemen say, that the Corporation should at once surrender, or allow all their privileges to be snatched from them, as recommend it

to them to pass over the present Answer in silence. An extraordinary case required an extraordinary measure to meet it. Never had one occurred which could serve as a parallel to the case now before them; and that being so, he trusted the Court would see the necessity of adhering to their rights and privileges. This they would do, if they did not wish to degrade themselves, and to abandon the cause of the country.

Mr. GRIFFITHS contrasted the conduct pursued by ministers on the present occasion, and on the Address before last, which had been passed in that Court. Then it was signified to them that a full attendance would be expected, as it was his majesty's wish to see them all. Here, however, they could not be received in state. Ministers had advised his majesty otherwise. A worthy Alderman, who had always been extremely forward in going up with Addresses (Birch) had, too, been backward on this last occa sion, and the Court had to wait half an hour before two Aldermen could be found to go up with the Address. The Answer, he conceived to be most ungracious.

Mr. WAITHMAN, in reply, declared, that of all the extraordinary doctrines which he had been accustomed to hear in that Court from the gentleman opposite (Dixon), and from a worthy alderman (Birch), nothing had ever surprised him so much as what he had heard this day. He had been informed by the worthy alderman that the Answer was to be held the Answer of the king, not of his ministers of course, that no responsibility attached to ministers from any Answer which the king might make to an Address. The worthy commoner had denied all argument to his hon. friend. It might, therefore, have been expected that he himself would have used something like argument. But no-he, as usual, had the good sense not to get out of his depth, and had, of course, confined himself to abuse and despicable quibble. It would be necessary for him to bring to mind who was the person by whom, in 1800, a similar motion to that now proposed by him, was made. A petition was then presented to his majesty, requesting him to call parliament together, in consequence of a scarcity which then threatened the country. The Answer was cold; and alderman Hibbert, than whom a more worthy man never sat in that Court, thinking that it might have expressed some regret for the distresses of the people, along with the motion for entering the Answer on the Journals of the Court, moved words expressive of this feeling This he thought was sufficient in auswer, to what had fallen from the worthy

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gentleman (Mr. Dixon). As to any idea of abusing that worthy gentleman, he never carried his abuse beyond the public conduct of the person to whom he alluded; and if a man could not defend his public conduct, he must not expect to escape if he would obtrude himself on public notice. Praise the worthy gentleman for his political conduct, he could not do with any regard to truth. As to the worthy Alderman, for twelve years that he had observed him in this Court, he had never till: this day ob served him attempt any thing like a reply. He had now appeared in a new character; he had been unhappy in the exhibition, and he hoped he would never try it again. He seemed to be a pupil of sir R. Filmer, and, like many pupils, he had gone beyond his master, and had laid it down that a king might be and actually was his own minister. The great object of petitioning was, to take care that truth should reach the royal ear. The Common Council of London had, on this principle, gone up to his majesty and stated their wishes, and were they how, after having been reproved for doing so, to stand still and not to tell his majesty that he had been badly counselled? The worthy Alderman might continue to boast of our glorious Constitution, and of our lords and commons; he might talk as he pleased of the dangers of popery, and of the blessings of our holy religion; but if we did not possess that privilege which the worthy a derman seemed inclined to deny us, we would soon cease to have any privilege whatever. Having contended, however, against this principle, the worthy alderman would, perhaps, have the goodness to tell what he thought the people of this country ought to do. Would he recommend to them to stand still, as the Spaniards had done, till things had come to such a crisis that they could only advise the king to run away y? Were they the friends to the constitution, to the country, or to his majesty, who would give such an advice? Was it not this advice which had betrayed the Stuart family? Which had continued to deceive the king, till he was obliged to abdicate his throne, and which latterly produced the glorious Revolution, of which the right now contended for by him, but objected to by the worthy Alderman, was the corner stone and pillar? The fate of the country required this court to interfere, and apprise his majesty of the public wish. This was the very time to call on him to resort to beiter councils. The great sir W. Temple said, that great occasions wanted great mes, and great men wanted great occasions.

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Never was this country in such a crisis as the present, or in one in which there was a greater want of great men. The question for the court, and for the country to consider, was, if they wished to become the mark for the slow moving finger of scora to point at. It was impossible to feel on this subject like Englishmen, and not to feel degraded. Ministers were often obliged, by traps and tricks, to attempt to awaken the exertions of the state. In the present situation of things, however, there were not two opinions. The public was actuated as by one feeling. They had even thrust ministers forward in the contest. They had given liberally, they had given all that was de manded of them; and was it to be endured, after ministers had taken all that they could get, that we should have the mortification of seeing all ruined, either by their imbecility, or that of those appointed by them, and be denied even the consolation of expressing our grievances, and demanding inquiry into the causes by which our calamities have been occasioned? He hoped not only that the resolution now proposed would be carried, but that it would be carried unanimously. It did not seem possible that any man could oppose it, who was not a place-man or a place-hunter.

Mr. Dixox said, the worthy gentleman took pleasure in representing the country as ruined. He, on the other hand, declared it to be the admiration and wonder of the world. If the hon. gentleman's ideas of our kings were correct too, what would they be but puppets, ready to receive instructions? Though kings could do no wrong, he could not help recollecting, that their acts were Sometimes visited on them. One had lost his throne, and another his life, for what the hon. gent. would call the work of their ministers.

The question on Mr. Dixon's Amendment, was now put and negatived, by a great majority. The original Resolution, moved by Mr. Waithman, was then put and carried, Alderman Birch and two or three commoners alone holding up their hands against it.

Mr. WAITHMAN said, the business would be incomplete if it were to rest here. He therefore moved, that an humble Address and Petition be presented to his majesty, in conformity to the said Resolution, expressing the desire of that court, that a strict and rigid inquiry should be made into the causes which led to the Convention in Portugal, as well as into the present system of our military preferments; and that his majesty would be graciously pleased to order his par

liament to be forthwith assembled, for the purpose of considering of the most effectual means for carrying those desirable objects into execution.

Mr. Jacks, Mr. Clarke, and Mr. Deputy Box were of opinion, that the proposed Address should not be carried through bu at a special meeting called for the purpose It might otherwise seem that the court had been taken by surprise.-Mr. Dixon disapproved of an Address at all. His majesty had already assured the court, that an inquiry should be instituted. It would imply a doubt of the truth of his assurance, to repeat the application; and the request to convene parliament would go the length of inferring, that the court would not be satisfied even with a second declaration of his majesty's sincerity.-Mr. Alderman Comba objected to that part of the motion which extended to our military system. Не doubted if the common council could be supposed sufficiently qualified to judge on that subject.-Mr. Waithman had no objection to omit that part of his motion.--Mr. Alderman Birch objected to the Address, particularly if to be conformable to the Resolution. He again alluded to the words "obstruction" and "reproof," and remarked that, though the court had indeed been reproved, they could not complain of obstruction, they having been admitted to present their Address.-Mr. Waithman insisted on the propriety of seeing that his Majesty was not allowed to remain in ignorance of the opinion of that court; that his Majesty had been badly advised. He had no objection, however, as several gentlemen seemed to wish it, to withdraw his motion for the present.It was then ordered, that the Resolution of the court, passed that day, be inserted in the usual morning and evening papers.

EXPOSITION OF THE PRACTICES AND MA

CHINATIONS WHICH LED TO THE USURPATION OF THE CROWN OF SPAIN, AND THE MEANS ADOPTED BY THE EMPEROR OF THE FRENCH TO CARRY IT INTO EX ECUTION: BY DON PEDRO CEVALLOS, FIRST SECRETARY OF STATE AND DISPATCHES TO HIS CATHOLIC MAJESTY, FERDINAND VII. (Continued from p. 704.) Without any other ground, your majesty thought proper to insult me in the presence of my venerable mother, and of the emperor, by appellations the most humiliating; and not content with this, you require my renunciation without any conditions or restrictions, under pain that I, and those who composed my council, should be treated as conspira

tors. In such a situation of things, I make
the renunciation which your majesty com-
mands, that you may return to the govern-
ment of Spain, in the state in which you
were on the 19th March, when your majes-
ty made the spontaneous abdication of your
crown in my favour.-May God preserve
the valuable life of your majesty many years!
which is the prayer of your loving and du-
tiful son, prostrate at your royal feet.
FERDINAND. Bayonne, 6th May, 1803.
No. XI.-Note of the French Minister for
Foreign Affairs, M. de Champagny, in
reply to one from D. Pedro Cevallos, in
which it is complained, that a Cabinet
Courier dispatched by Order of Ferdinand
the VIIth, with Documents for Madrid,
had been detained, and in which he applied
for Passports for another.

No. XII-Resignation by Signor Don Pe
dro Cevalios of his Office of Minister for
Foreign Affairs, into the Hands of Joseph
Napoleon, on the 28th of July.

Sir At the time your majesty had the goodness to invite me to continue in the employment of minister for foreign affairs, I believed that I ought to submit to your notice some reflections, according to which your majesty could neither have the least confidence in me, or I the least security in your majesty's protection, since I found my self injured, and carefully watched by the emperor, your august brother, whose influence over your majesty's mind could be in no respect favourable to me.-Your ma jesty persisted in your resolution, telling me that you were anxious to have near you persous possessing the esteem of the nation;

The minister for foreign affairs has re-but I having no other wish than to return to ceived the note which Signor de Cevallos did him the honour to address to him, complaining of the obstraction of the courier of his excellency. This measure was occasioned by a notification, that his imperial majesty had required, that no other king should be acknowledged than Charles the IVth. From this results, as a necessary consequence, that the emperor cannot admit in his erritory any act in the nature of a passport given in the name of any other king, and for the same reason that the minister could not countersign the new passport which Signor Cevallos had sent him But he hastens to apprise you, that all the letters which the courier conveyed, and which have been detained, have been put into the bands of the French postmaster, who will provide that they shall be sent to Borgos and Madrid with the greatest punctuality, and the same will be done as to all others, that the Spaniards, whether in France or Spain, choose to have conveyed, either by the ordinary post, or by a French courier. All will be tran-ported to their respective destinations with the most scrupulous exactness, and the correspondence between the two states, far ton experiencing any interruption, will acquire new activity.-M. de Champagny, in sending this note to Signor de Cevallos, has the honour to assure him of his high consideration.*. Bayonne, April 29, 1808.

While the emperor intreated the king to renounce the throne in his favour, no difficulty was made in countersigning the passports that I gave in his royal name, but as soon as the French government saw its hopes disappointedfuse passports to every dispatch

-8--

THRE

my native land, which had been dealed to
me after two months' application to his im-
perial and royal majesty, it was necessary
for me to accept the nomination of your
majesty, to put an end to the lamentable
separation from my family, and my fellow-
countrymen, reserving always the right
which no one can renounce, of adhering to
the vote of the majority of the nation,
case it should not be disposed to acknow
ledge your majesty for their sovereign
To your majesty I have since shown, t
Spain is almost unanimously opposed to
cognize you as king; and if this claim be
wanting to you, there is no other by which
your majesty can continue sovereign of these
kingdoms Thus circumstanced, I should
be a traitor to my own principles, if I were
to continue to exercise a ministerial capacity
accepted under such circumstances, and not
from a desire to have any influence in the
government of your majesty, which I r
nounce from this moment, to go into re
tirement, where I will consecrate to my un
happy country my wishes and tears for
calamities and distresses, which I should
glad to remove, for the happiness of a natic.
noble, generous, loyal, and brave.
APPENDIX respecting the Manner in which
the Grand Duke of Berg obtained by Sur
prise an Order from the Junta of Govern
ment to deliver over to him the Person of
the Prisoner, Don Manuel Godoy.

Ever since the grand duke of Berg, liestenant-general of the armies of the emperor, set his foot on the territory of Spain, he en deavoured, by every possible artifice, to im press a general opinion, that he came for our happiness, and to effect certain useful reforms in our government; studiously git ing out, that he would protect the cause

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of the prince of Asturias," and that he would oppose the prince of Peace, who was the object of universal hatred with the nation. Neither did he neglect to give forth some hints of the great influence of the queen in public affairs.

It was very well known, that this only was necessary to captivate the affections of the oppressed Spaniards; and since his mission had for its object what we have since seen, it must be acknowledged, that the calculations of the emperor of the French, his master, were well grounded.As, however, all things in this world are subject to change, the ever-memorable movements at Aranjuez occurred, and subverted all this plan. Scarcely had the grand uke of Berg become acquainted with them, than he altered his scheme, and appeared to make a great interest in the fate of don Manuel Godoy, with whom he had held correspondence of the nearest intimacy, although he was not personally known to him. It was not concealed from his sagacity that the royal parents took great interest in the protection of their favourite. Then it was that he began to take the most efficacious measures to liberate Godoy from prison; but all this was ineffectual, as long as their beloved king, Ferdinand VII, remained at Madrid. The grand duke of Berg was not dismayed by this circumstance; but scarcely had his majesty arrived at Burgos, when he renewed his application to obtain what he long wished; threatening, in case a negative was given, that he would use the force at his disposal to effect his purpose.-The janta, neɣertheless, resisted his first application, and consulted the king as to what they ought to do in such critical circumstances. His majesty was pleased to acquaint them with the answer he had given on the same subject to the emperor of the French, who had himself solicited the release of the prisoner; and which answer is as follows: -The grand duke of Berg and the ambassador of your imperial and royal majesty have, on different occasions, made verbal applications that don Manuel Godoy, prisoner for a crime against the state in the royal palace at Villaviciosa, should be put at the disposal of your majesty.-Nothing would be more agreeable personally to myself than to accede to your wishes, bat the cousequences would be so serious if I were to do So, that I think it right to submit them to the prudent consideration of your majesty.Consistently with one of the duties of my situation, which is to administer justice to my people, I have ordered the most dignified of the tribunals of my kingdom to judge don Manuel Godoy according to the laws.

I have promised to my people that I would publish the result of a process on which depends the honour of a great number of my subjects, and the preservation of the rights of my crown. Throughout the whole extent of my dominions, there is not a single district, however small, which has not addressed complaints to the throne against that prisoner. All my subjects have signified their joy in a remarkable manner, from the moment that they were informed of the arrest of don Manuel Godoy, and all have their eyes fixed on the proceedings and decision of this cause. Your majesty, a wise legislator and a great warrior, can easily determine the weight of these considerations; but if your majesty feel yourself interested in the life of D. Manuel Godoy, I give you my royal word, that if, after a full examination of his case, he should be condemned to death, I will remit that punishment, in consequence of the interposition of your imperial majesty. -May God preserve the life of your imperial majesty many years.-FERDINAND.' Vittoria, April 13, 1803. -The royal

order of the same date also apprised the junta, that if the grand duke of Berg renewed his applications in favour of Godoy, he should be answered, that this business was in treaty between the two sovereigns, and that the result depended exclusively on the decision of the king. His majesty having been informed that his royal parents (ill informed, no doubt) had complained to the grand duke of the ill treatment of the prince of Peace in his prison, his majesty commanded me, notwithstanding his conviction of the delicate treatment observed by the Marquis of Castelar, that I should direct him, that the greatest care should be taken of the health of the prisoner, which I did under the same date. Scarcely had the emperor received the letter of the king, when with his accustomed haughtiness he abused it, and wrote to the grand duke of Berg, telling him, that the prince of Asturias had put the prisoner, don Manuel Godov, at his disposal, and commanding him vigorously to claim the surrender of his person. Nothing more was necessary for Murat, whose character is naturally daring and violent, and ho sent the following note to the junta :- The emperor and king having informed his imperial and royal highness the grand duke of Berg, that his royal highness the prince of Asturias had just written to him, telling him that he referred the fate of the prince of Peace to his disposal; his highness in consequence directs me to inform the junta of the intentions of the emperor; on account of which I repeat the request for the delivery of

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