be found on the day of the battle, and the answer will be," in the hottest of the fight." (Hear! Hear!) In reviewing the conduct of any individual, common justice enjoins us not to anticipate guilt, nor to subject our judgments to the influence of prejudice. And surely if ever there was a body more entitled, not alone to the benefits of im. partiality, not alone to your protection from prejudgment, but even to your indulgence, they are those military and naval men who brave every danger, submit to every privation, and are continually risking their lives for the defence of your interests, and the advancement of your prosperity and glory. our character should be fully and openly developed. What! if a foul murder be committed, do we not call it murder? We certainly do and shall we be subjected to the imputation of prejudging, because we reprobate a Convention which all admit to be disgraceful to the British name, and prejudicial to the interest of our allies? Can any man who views the whole, or any part of this transaction, deny that it does fully merit all the reprobation which it has received? We first find, that the French commander, apprehensive of our army in Portugal being reinforced, did practice every expedient, by collecting his whole force, marching out from his entrenchments, to bring the British troops as quickly as possible to an engagement. Yet, nol withstanding all his activity and address, he is completely beaten by one half of the British force. With this victorious army, in momentary expectation of considerable reinforcements, a large Portuguese army co-operating with us, in a country hoste to the enemy, almost to any extreme d vengeance, what was to be expectedSurely, nothing short of unconditio capitulation. (Hear! Hear! Hear!) any man dream of any other result? (H Hear!) Yet, the very next day after brilliant victory, we learn that the Bring commander concluded an Armistice or pr liminary treaty, by which the defeated French army was to be conveyed to France in British ships, there to be immediately forwarded to fight against the heroic Spaniards, engaged as they are in the most glorious of all causes, the emancipation of their native country from a vile and base usurpation. There is something still more extraordinary-our commanders gave m numission and pardon to all the traitors in Portugal. That is, we have marshalled in that country a depót of French spies kept under British protection, and guaranteed by British faith. (Hear! hear! hear! Why, instead of delivering Portugal, which Mr. PORTALL.-" Gentlemen, since the was our object, from plunder and aggres Resolution was proposed by the noble lord,sion, we have delivered the French army an Amendment has been submitted, directly contrary to the tendency and object of the former. The grounds upon which this amendment stands are, that our Address is unnecessary-and next, that by our interference we are guilty of projudging. To such a conclusion I never can subscribe; because I am impressed irresistibly with the propriety of expressing to our sovereign our deep regret that this disgraceful Convention should ever have taken place; and next, that the causes which led to this stain upon (Hear! Hear!)-Should it unfortunately happen, that a disgraceful event should oc cur, such as has taken place under general Dalrymple,-(Not fair, exclaimed Mr. Baker, to accuse one officer, in order to screen the other) I do not accuse, but call upon you to forbear from being influenced by your prejudices, and to wait until you know the result of the inquiry which has been instituted. With respect to the state of this country, I will say but little. I admit that every possible check ought to be given to the progress of corruption. In fact that destructive stalking horse, and I do believe, that reform is in a course of proceeding-(A laugh. No! No! No!) I do deprecate any factious attempt to alienate the people at this peculiar crisis from the executive government; for our safety must depend upon our union united we cannot fall, and divided we cannot stand. I therefore feel it my duty to propose as an Amendment to the Resolution proposed by the noble lord, not an adjournment, but a motion to this effect, That notwithstanding the disappointment experienced throughout the country in consequence of the late Convention, yet, that his majesty having already pledged himself to institute an Inquiry, it is expedient on the part of the people to forbear any further interference until the result of such inquiry be known. from destruction, in order to afford it fresh opportunities for enterprise and hostility. (Hear! hear!). I have not men tioned the part of this disgraceful event, which went to affect the interests, nay, the safety of our Swedish ally. It ii not upon an occurrence the most dark, mys terious and inscrutable that ever was hatched, that the people of England ought to remain inert. For my part, I never will by my silence become a foul participator in this act of disaster and disgrace. No; I contend The that this is the moment when the people of England ought to declare to the world, the regret, indignation, and mortification, which they feel at this ignominious event-that wherever the poison goes, the antidote should follow. (Hear! hear! hear!) But, my reverend friend tells us, that inquiry is promised positively. I deny it in toto to be sure, there is in the Answer to the corporation of London, something in the shape of a petty composition, from which such an inference may be extracted; but even what kind of inquiry is that?-A due inquiry! What is a due inquiry? The ministers will ted you, one that does not affect us. generals will answer, such a one as will acquit us-(A laugh.) The people will frame their opinion of it, as if accords with their part.cular impressions on the subject. But, we have this day been apprised from the authority of Mr Sturges Bourne, that it willbe not only a due, but a public inquiry. Now, I say, that if we had Mr. Sturges Boerne, or even my Lord Hawkesbury, here, and if, after examination and re-ex amiration, we could extract no-other information, I would not be satisfied. Courts of Inquiry, or Courts Martial, cannot satisfy, because they cannot embrace the devepement of all the causes or the conduct of all the persons to whom this digraceful measure may probably be attributable. The country wants, and ought to have, a full, open, and parliamentary investigation. The opposers of the Address argue that the inquiry which we seek is promu sed, and will certainly take place. If that be so, if we only ask what ministers are disposed to give, we do no harm by our interference, nor can our application to the throne be considered offensive.-(Hear! | Hear)-But, when I see this anxiety to prevent petitioning, and that there exists in a certain quarter such uneasiness on that account, my suspicions are aroused; I doubt the sincerity of the promise, and think it the duty of the people to exercise their invaluable and undoubted right.—(Hear! Hear!)-The people of this country ought not to remain inactive, because the city of London has petitioned and received an Answer. That great body may be far our superiors in a commercial view, but that is no reason for our acting similarly in our plain country way.-(A laugh.) It is upon these grounds that I consider it the most joyful act of my life to support the Resolution proposed, because I conceive, by so doing, I endeavour to rescue my country, in the opinion of the world, from any participation in this foul transaction. The Amendment, as proposed by the Rev. Mr. Poulter, was then read, amidst strong murmurs of disapproval, and was seconded by the Rev. Mr. Garnet; who considered the country bound by every tie of gratitude to an aged and venerable monarch, to await the fulfilment of his gracious promise for investigation. The SHERIFF then put the question on the Amendment, as proposed by the Rev. Mr. Poulter, which was negatived unanimously, with the exception of about ten persons in that crowded assembly. The Resolution of Lord Northesk was then unanimously carried. Mr. COBB TT." In pursuance of the Resolution now carried, I move, That the A dress and Petition read by me, and now in the hands of the Deputy Sheriff, be the Address and Petition of this me ting." A desultory conversation then took place. in which it was considered a point of etiqueite to receive the Address from the proposer of the Resolution. Mr. CorBETT." I stand here in the exercise of a right, and cannot wave it upon a point of courtesy. I come here with my neighbours, the slaves of no party, and in order to afford to independent men an opportunity of asserting their opinion. In justice, therefore, I must persevere in pressing the motion which has been duly put." The Address of Lord Nor hesk was then read, as well as that of Mr. Cobbett; and the question was put, which of them the meeting would approve. On the first show of hands, the numbers were so balanced, that the High Sheriff could not decide. It was then proposed, that they should go into the outer hall to be divided, and, accordingly, several departed. Some conversation took place between the two parties. It was proposed to Mr. Cobbett, by Lord Northesk's friends, to appoint a committee for the purpose of combining the two Addresses, or rather forming one out of the two; but Mr. Cobbett thought proper to decline all compromise. The Sheriff proposed that the vote should be taken upon the two Addresses by the holding up of hats. Those who remained in court, accordingly, held up their hats; when it was decided, that the majority were in favour of the following Address, as proposed by Lord Northesk, and soconded by Sir Thomas Miller: "TO THE KING'S MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTY.-May it please your Majesty, "We, your Majesty's most dutiful and "loyal subjects, the hobility, gentlemen, "clergy, freeholders, and other inhabi"tants, of the county of Southampton, beg commander of the French army in Lis. "bon; and further, humbly to submit to your Majesty our earnest and anxious prayer, that your Majesty will be gra ciously pleased to institute such full, pub"lic, and effectual Inquiry into this trans"action, as will ead to the discovery of all "those causes which have produced an event "so injurious to the honour of this country, "and the interest of the allies." After a motion of thanks to the High Sheriff for his upright and impartial conduct, the Meeting dissolved.―The evening concluded with dinners at the George and White Hart Inns.-Lord Northesk's friends dived at the former; Mr. Cobbett's at the latter. MAJOR HOGAN'S APPEAL. CITY OF LONDON. RESOLUTION RELATIVE 10 THE KING'S On Thursday, the 27th of October, the Common Council of London assembled to receive the Answer to their Address, on be subject of the Convention which terminated the campaign in Portugal. The Recorder having read the Answer: Mr. WAITHMAN rose and addressed the court. He could, he said, not allow this Answer to pass without some observations, stating it at the same time to be his intention to propose such a Resolution founded upon it, as the nature of the case appeared to him to demand. He confessed that this was a subject of some delicacy, and it was probable he would hear several objections to the course he was pursuing from the gentl man opposite (Mr. S. Dixon), and others, who seemed much more anxious to avoid whatever might be disagrecable to the crown, than to guard the rights and privileges eitla of the democratical or aristocratical braccis of our constitution. But the answer is constitutionally to be considered as that a his majesty's advisers, and as such he himself perfectly at liberty to compl upon it. He therefore thought it unnec ary to say any thing further on that pos With regard to the Answer itself, certainly thought it a most extraordina one. He conceived that the corporation of London had a right to approach the throne with petitions and remonstrances, even although his majesty might have expressed on The demand for this Pamphlet continues to be such as might naturally be expected from the extraordinary nature of the case. It appears from the advertisement to the tifth edition, that no less than 5000 copies have been already disposed of. What an evidence of the public feeling, and of the interest which this production is calculated to excite! Several attacks have been pub-intention of adopting such proceedings 2 ished against Major Hogan, in consequence of his vigorous Appeal. But these attacks appear totally unworthy of attention; for it would be inconsistent with that gentleman's eharacter and judgment, to notice what cannot make the slightest impression upon any mun of common candour of common sense. To those who comment so particularly upon the final Letter, the publisher very properly observes, that that letter has no comec 41 tion with the case of Major Hogan. The case, in fact, closes before this letter is prescuted; and it does not bear in any degree upon the grounds of that merito"Tious officer's complafat; which complaint rests entirely upon documents, the authenticity of which is quite unquestionable; namely, the letters of the Duke of York's Colonel Gordon." " FRRATA in the last Register, p. 700. they might recommend. It was proper that the king should be acquainted with the state of public opinion on all occasions, whether for or against the measures of the ministers, and it was the duty, as well as the privilege of the subject to give that information to the crown. It was the mode established by the constitution, for conveying the truth to the ear of the sovereign, in spite of the machinations of those around him who might wish to keep him in darkmess. This was not a right conceded by the crown as a favour; but one required and demanded at the Revolution as essential to our civil liberties, and to be exercised with out obstruction or censure. It appeared from the records of the court, that they had often gone up with petitions and remonstrances to the throne, drawn up in a style and spirit much less humble than their late Address, and yet the answers had not been of so repulsive a description. But the degrading reply which they had just heard read, they had drawn upon themselves; re up with what, according to his principles, might be called an unnecessary address, and yet he treated this subject with levity. How, in the present circumstances of the country, a matter of this importance could be so treated by a person in his senses, he was at a loss to conceive. When our arms by land were attended with such constant disasters, and these sometimes following victories, it was time to exercise our constitutional pri and if it had been merely a severe lecture upon their past conduct he owned he would not have been sorry. During the last 20 years, a period distinguished for the most momentous occurrences that ever called for the in erposition of any body of men, the court of common council had scarcely ever exercised its right of petitioning or monstrating, except some years ago on the cision of the high price of provisions, when they petitioned for co wening the par-vileges of petitioning for inquiries with lement. But during all that time they not only did not omit, but eagerly sought for eccasions of congratulation. They were ever forward to shew their zeal for preroga tive and the rights of the crown; but no anxiety appeared to guard the privileges of the other branches of the constitution. The glorious independence of the crown" was the constant cry; but when had their voices been raised for the glorious independence of the houses of lords and commons? Occasion was then taken in the answer, to remind the corporation, "that it was inconsistent with the principles of British justice to pronounce judgment without previous investigation." How it was posside to construe the Address, so as to magine that it had pronounced judgment fevious to investigation, he did not know. called for inquiry certainly; it called for nishment on the guilty, without pretend to point out where the guilt rested. That was the matter to be investigated; and if no guilt was found, then, of course there could be no punishment. He himself had moved a petition for an inquiry into the Psiness at the Helder; and this was opsed on the ground that the ministers of be crown would certainly institute ene thout any call from the court. A worthy olleague of his said, that the motion was fortunately fall of truths, but then it was Another member however oved a resolution, that the motion was a grace to the court, and an insult to the frown, and, incredible as it might appear, the court was so constituted at that time bat be carried it. From the nols and nnecessary. stores of the gentleman opposite (S. ton), he supposed he would have done he same thing with respect to the last ddress, if he dust have done it. When We were told that the church and our holy ligion were in danger, the coart went up h an Address although the danger, supsing there had been any, was known to over, for his majesty had by that time smissed his then ministers, and chosen present “No Popery "administration. Taentleman had then no objection to go he He vigour and perseverance. But it was said, -to act as Britons, and have shown themselves unsusceptible of that patriotism so es for an object; and were the people who bore the expence to be obstructed and reproved for calling for investigation as to the misma-sentially necessary for the preservation of nagement of these expeditions? Many other cases might be mentioned, if it were necessary. As to general Whitelocke, it was not their liberties-the maintenance of their na their concern, that they should, by any sug- to this day known who had procured his ap---They cannot, therefore, suficiently express pointment. All that was known was that he had been appointed under one administration, and brought to trial by another. Sir H. Popham had been appointed by one, bright to trial by another, and after being reprimanded by a court-martial, was again taken into favour by a third. Lord Melvile, to be sure, had been acquitted very properly, no doubt he could not now contest that- but, notwithstanding the very considerable mino rity against him, and the resolution on the journals of the house of commons, he was taken into favour at court, and had a constderable share in advising the measures of the present administration. If the same system were pursued in our army as in our navy, the same consequences would follow. The men were the same; the difference was only in the way of managing them. Sensible of the importance of promoting inquiries by every possible means, he could not but think he answer to the petition of the city of London very ill-judged, to say the least of it. He would therefore move the following RESOLUTION, viz.- Resolved. That his majesty's answer be entered upon the Journals. That at the same time this count cannot forbear declaring it as their opinion, that the Address and Petition presented to his maj sty by this court, on Wednesday, the 12th instant, was conceived in the most dutiful and respectful terms; that it is the undoubted right of the subject to petition, and that this right ought at all times to be freely exercised in all matters of public grievance without obstruction or reproof-That they are, therefore, at a loss to know by what construction of their said Petition, however strained or perverted, his majesty's advisers could attribute to them desire to pronounce judgintention or ment without previous investigation. they are equally at a loss to know why his majesty's advisers should have deemed it neGessary to remind them, That it was inconsistent with the principles of British justice,' unless to throw an unmerited odium on this corporation, and raise a barrier between them and the crown, on allccasions where their object is free and constitutional inquiry. any That That had this count refrained from expressing to his majesty their feelings at the humilisting termination of the campaign in Portugal, they must have ceased to feel—to think | in which the character of the country, the honour of his majesty's arms' were on cerned, which have grievously faile disappointed the hopes and expects the nation, and into which due inçay, has not been made That in one of the ro occurrences to which his majesty's Answer fers it is not known, even at the present ment, by whose advice the commander chief was appointed, or on what account să commander was selected —That during these calamitous events, and wasteful pre sion of blood and treasure, the public burthens have been patiently borne, and his jesty has not been called upon by the inte position of the city of London' (if th humble supplication must be so termed) to stitute inquiries into these failures; alth it appears to them that such interposite might have been highly necessary and bus ficial to the country, and by promoting inquiry' precluded the necessity of their application. That during these unhappy! verses, and while his majesty's subjects mitted to so many privations, the most sha jul and scandalous abuses and peculati have prevailed; into which due inqui? has not been made so as to bring to jus such great public delinquents.-That who advised his majesty to put so unfavoursi and unwarrantable a construction on t iate Petition, has alused the confian his sovereign, and is equally an enemy to majesty and the just rights of his popie That they do not attribute guilt to ang much less do they pronounce judgment us |