realization of this promised recognition, e was surprised with the propositions above alluded to; and that his majesty had authorised me to protest against the violence done to his person, in not permitting him to return to Spain; and as a categorical and. final answer to the solicitation of the emperor, that the king neither would nor could renounce his crown in favour of another dynasty, without being wanting in the duties which he owed to his subjects and to his own character; that he could not do so in prejudice to the individuals of his own family, who were called to the succession by the fundamental laws of the kingdom; and much less could he consent to the establishment of another dynasty, which ought alone to be called to the throne by the Spanish nation, in virtue of their original right to elect another family upon the termination of the present dynasty.The minister of foreign affairs insisted on the necessity of the renunciation which had been proposed, and contended that the abdication signed by Ch. IV, on the 19th of March, had not been voluntary.-I expressed my surprise that the king should be importuned to renounce his crown, at the same moment that it was asserted that the renunciation of his father was not his free act. I wished however not to be understood as entering into such a discussion, as I could not acknowledge the smallest authority in the emperor to inter meddle with matters which were purely domestic, and peculiarly belonging to the Spanish government; following in this respect the example of the cabinet of Paris, when it rejected as inadmissible the applications of his majesty, the royal father, in favour of his ally and first cousin the unfortunate Louis XVI.-Nevertheless, desirous of giving to truth and innocence a testimony which they alone had a right to exact, I added, that three weeks before the disturbance at Aranjuez, Ch. IV. in my presence, and that of all the other ministers of state, addressed her majesty the queen, in these words: "Maria Louisa, we will "retire to one of the provinces, where we "will pass our days in tranquillity; and Ferdinand, who is a young man, will take upon himself the burden of the government."-I represented to him, that, on the 17th, 18th, and 19th, no violence was done to his majesty, in order to extort an abdication of his crown, either by the people who had risen purely from the apprehension that his majesty was going to remove to Seville, and thence to America; or on the part of his son, the prince of Asturias, or any other persons; of which facts the mi " nisters of the corps diplomatique, as well as all the persons about the court, were fully convinced, since all of them congratulated and complimented the new sovereign, with the exception of the French ambassador, who pretended that he had not been fur. nished with the necessary instructions, disregarding the example of his colleagues, who were as little provided with instructions from their respective courts I concluded with proving to him that the renunciation of the royal father was only the consequence of his majesty's predilection for the tranquillity of a private life, and his persuasion that his constitution, enfeebled by age and habitual indisposition, was incompetent to support the heavy burden of the government. ---This irrelevant objection having been got rid of, Mr. Champagny stated, that the emperor could never be sure of Spain, in case of a new war with the powers of the north, while the Spanish nation continued to be governed by a dynasty, who must regret to see its elder branch expelled from the mo narchy of France.-I answered, that in a regular system of things, such prepossessions never prevailed over the interests of states, and that the political conduct of Ch. IV. since the treaty of Basle, afforded a recent proof that sovereigns paid little regard to family interests, when they were in opposition to the interests of their dominions; that the friendship between Spain and France was founded in local and political considerations; that the topographical situation of the two kingdoms was of itself sufficient to demonstrate how important it was for Spain to preserve a good understanding with France, the only state on the contineut of Europe with which she had direct and very extensive relations, and consequently that every reason of policy induced Spain to maintain a perpetual peace with France Besides, what ground of suspicion had the emperor with respect to a nation, who, to considerations of interest, add the inflexible and religious integrity with which at all periods, according to the admission of French writers themselves, they had preserved their federative system-I added, that there were reasons no less important why France should not endanger the continuance of that harmony which prevailed since the treaty of Basle, with equal advantage to herself and to Spain; that the Spanish nation, whose generosity and affection for their sovereigns were proverbial, if from a principle of fidelity they had submitted to the caprices of despotism, when covered with the veil of majesty, would, from the operation of the same principle, display their well-known valour, when they saw their independence, terror when she sees the captious means, the destruction and extermination.This was the state of the discussion, when the em 1. peror, who had overheard our conference, but ha No left, no doubt in the mind of the king, that found in No. 4, of the annexed documents. In this state of things, his majesty, impressed with the qualities which adorn the most excellent Seignor, Don Pedro de Labrador, formerly minister to the court of Florence, and honorary councillor of state, invested him with full powers and suitable instructions, which may be seen in No. 4, ordering him to present them to the minister of foreign affairs, and to demand his full powers in return, and that the proposals of his imperial majesty should be communicated in an anthentic manner. Both those demands were rejected by the minister Champagny, under the frivolous pretext that they were matters of form, being wholly ⚫ unconnected with the essential object of the 'negociation.-Seignor Labrador insisted on the importance of both the one and the other requisites, especially in a matter of such great consequence, adding that without them he could discuss no subject, and that the king his master required them to vary the instructions, if necessary, that had been given him; but always in vain. Notwithstanding this, Seignor Champagny talked of the last propositions of the emperor, which were somewhat different from those presented by general Savary, but not less irritating and violent; and he concluded with telling Seignor Labrador that the prosperity of Spain and his own were at that moment within his power.-This minister answered that he would communicate to the king his master these new proposals. He made those reflections upon them which his talents, his zeal for the service of his sovereign, and for the good of his country, naturally suggested; and he stated that the welfare of his sovereign, and that of the nation, were inseparably united. He added, that to these two objects he had directed all his attention in various situations; and, lastly, he said that he readily admitted that his own pros-rity to liberate him, having in this point perity depended on the issue, because his fidelity to the king of Spain, and to his native country, as well as the reputation he had acquired by the faithful discharge of his duty, were connected with it. Seignor Labrador, before he terminated the conversations asked M. Champagny if the king was in a state of liberty? To which the French minister replied that there could be no doubt of it. On this, Labrador rejoined, then he should be restored to his kingdom. To this the Frenchman replied, that, in respect to his returu to Spain, it was necessary that his majesty should have a right understanding with his imperial majesty, either personally or by letter.' This swer, added to the other circumstances, been laid under positive restraint by his majesty's orders from Vittoria, as has been al ready mentioned; but the council misled by the suggestions of his imperial majesty, and intimidated by the threat that the grand duke would obtain by irresistible force what would not be conceded as a favour, the junta ordered the release of Don Manuel Godoi, who was immediately conveyed to Bayonne, under an adequate escort. The decree No. 6, in the hand-writing of the king, is an authentic proof of the determination of his majesty as to this particular The royal parents undertook their journey, and proceeded in it with too much rapidity for the unhappy state of health of Ch. IV. but the inexorable will of the emperor had determined that it should be so. What his imperial majesty undertook was a most arduous task. It was necessary to his purposes to deaden the sensibility of the king; to destroy his affection for his first-born, which the most infamous court intrigue ever contrived had not yet wholly extinguished. Further, it was necessary, that these loving parents, affectionate to some of their children, should, with respect to him, substitute for their natural tenderness the most frigid and cruel indifference. To fulfil the purposes intended by Napoleon, in the end, with respect to the royal parents, they must become the instruments of misery, correction, and imprisonment; they were to become the jailors of their children. His power, by triumphing over all the feelings of nature, accomplished his purposes.-I have proved that the abdication of the royal father at Aranjuez was a spontaneous act, and that the motive to it was the partiality of his majesty towards his disgraced Favourite. In Bayonne, he told the king, his son, that he did not wish to return to the throne of Spain; notwithstanding that, he desired his majesty should renounce the crown, to make a present of it to the emperor; that is, to present it to a sovereign, who, in part at least, has been the origin of the difficulties of Spain, the only cause of the loss of our squadrons, the mover of the disturbances at court, and in the nation, and of the intended journey of the royal family to Seville, and from thence to America, prevented by the explosion of the 17th of March.-I leave to the wisdom of the sovereigns of Europe to judge whether it be possible that a monarch, affectionate to his children, highly enlightened, penetrated deeply by the principles of religion, and pious without superstition, could without violence forget for a moment all his duties to his family, and proscribe his whole dynasty, to call another to the throne, for whom he has no esteem, and, on the contrary, detests, as the plunderer of those thrones which have come within the reach of his ambition. If such be the change, it is the most extraordinary revolution that history has presented to the world.-Ferdinand VII. over-awed, a prisoner, and controuled by circumstances, on the 1st of May made a conditional renunciation of his crown, in favour of his august father. (No. 7). To this followed the letter of the royal father to his son (No. 8), and the very discreet answer of the royal son to the father, (No. 9)--On the 5th of the same month of May, at four in the afternoon, the emperor went to visit the royal parents, and continued in conference until five o'clock, when king Ferdinand was called in by his august father to hear, in the presence of the queen and the emperor, expressions so disgusting and humiliating, that I do not dare to record them. All the party were seated except king Ferdinand, whom the father ordered to make an absolute renunciation of the crown, under pain of being treated, with all his household, as an usurper of the throne, and a conspirator against the life of his pa rents. His majesty would have preferred death; but desirous not to involve in his misfortunes the number of persons comprized in the threat of Ch. IV. he assented to another renunciation, (No. 10), which bears on its front all the indications of constraint and violence, and which in no respect an swers its purpose, to colour over the intends ed usurpation of the emperor.-These are the only instances of renunciation in which I have interfeted as minister and secretary of state. That which is spoken of at Bourdeaux, I have not the least knowledge of; but I know the emperor, in the last conference with king Ferdinand VII. said to his majesty, "Prince, il faut opter entre "la cession et la mort.". "Prince you have only to choose between cession and "death."With respect to the rest, the whole world is apprized that Ch. IV. nounced the crown to the emperor at time that the prince of Asturias, his brothe the infant Don Carlos, and his uncle the infant Don Antonio, were forced to surrender their rights. The emperor, now believing himself proprietor of the crown of Spain placed it on the head of his brother Joseph Napoleon, king of Naples-It has already been explained, that although the king left his court for a few days, he thought fit to sanction a junta, of which the infant Don Antonio was to be president, with full pow ers to determine for him and in his royal name, all subjects that would not admit of delay. Every night I sent a courier to this junta, communicating what appeared neces sary for its information and direction.When the king arrived at Bayonne (and on the day of his arrival, the ambitious and violent intentions of the emperor were com municated to him) I began to fear that the extraordinary couriers would be inter cepted, as was found to be the fact. Among the various disputes that I had with the mi nister, Champagny, on the different acci dents that occasioned the detention of the cabinet couriers, the answer that he gave me to a remonstrance of mine is sufficiently markable. It is to be seen among the documents in justification. (No. 11.) In this situation of things, I took the precaution of re છું VIL Pra the s sending duplicates by different conveyances. By such means, I succeeded so far as to give information to the junta of government of the arrest and oppression to which the king had been exposed. be commenced against the French army; and in that case, when and how the purpose should be executed. 3. Whether it were likewise the wish of the king that we should endeavour to prevent the entrance of more French troops into Spain, by guarding the passes on the frontiers. 4. Whether his majesty thought it would be right to convoke the cortes, for which purpose a decree of his majesty would be necessary, addressed to the royal council."-It being possible that at the arrival of the answer of the king, the junta would not be at liberty to act, they asked whether any chancery or audience of the kingdom should be empowered, which was not within the reach of the French troops. Further, if the cortes should be assembled, on what subjects of discussion it should proceed.-The person charged with these propositions, arrived at Bayonne on the 4th of May, at night; he came to me immediately, and having disclosed to me his business, I introduced him to his majesty without losing a moment.-The king having taken into consideration the four propositions submitted to his attention by the junta, sent in answer two royal decrees in the morning of the following day, the one written by his majesty with his own hand directed to the junta of government; the other signed by his majesty (" Yo el It was easy to foresee that the freedom of the junta would not be respected, since, notwithstanding all the offers and assurances of the emperor, the liberty of the sovereign was violated at Bayonne; and that the noble designs of some members of the same assembly would be obstructed (although boldly declared) by the irresistible power of the representative of the emperor. To this, no doubt, is to be attributed their not having consulted upon the awful condition of the kingdom, and the remedy for such a calamity, as well as not having appointed a junta to assume the regency, in a place where the bayonets of the enemy could not penetrate. -The king was surprized that the junta had not written; and by the following post, when his majesty had come to a determination in consequence, without losing a moment, I sent a royal order to the junta, that they should execute whatever was expedient for the service of the king and the kingdom, and that for that purpose they should employ all the powers which his majesty would possess if he were himself resident in the kingdom. (6)--Nothing could be written that could be more intelligible. The security of" Rey") addressed in the first instance to the means of communication diminished every moment; for I could not expect that emperor would regard the sacredness of a correspondence, since he paid no respect to the person of the sovereign to whom it was subservient.-The junta, notwithstanding, thought it was necessary to consult his majesty, and to obtain his orders as to vafious measures which appeared to them uecessary for the salvation of the country; and for this purpose they sent to Bayonne a confidential person of known zeal in the royal service, to transinit verbally to the king the following propositions: 1. Whether his majesty thought fit to authorise the junta to substitute, in case of need, some person or persons of their own body, or otherwise, to hold a council in a secure situation, where it could freely act; and they intreated his majesty to signify who should compose the council for that purpose, should he think expedient. 2. Whether it was the wish of his majesty that hostilities should Ch. s, hist to the the measure (6) The cabinet courier conveying this royal order was intercepted, on which ac. count I sent a duplicate, which was received by the junta, the memorandum of which I have not been able to preserve. the council, and next to any chancery or audience of the kingdom which should not be under restraint.-These original decrees dispatched by me with all care, and under secure conduct, it is well known, arrived in the hands of one of the members of the junta, who is now absent, and whose name was first mentioned; but the junta is apprized that he made no use of it, nor did he ever send to the council the decree which was addressed to it. (7)-The minutes of these two decrees are not in my possession, because the critical situation of the king at (7) When these two royal decrees came to the hands of the junta, the grand duke of Berg had been for some days president; and the affair of the 2d of May had taken place. The emperor after the departure of the royal parents, precipitately and inde-. cently forced from the capital all the members of the royal family, and sent them to Bayonne. But yet he had to take the im.. portant step of taking complete possession of the government, in order to which the bloody scene of the 2d of May was exhi bited, a scene of horror and iniquity, simi.. lar to what the modern French have ex cuted in other countries with similar designs. |