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VOL. XIV. No. 10.] LONDON, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 3, 1808. [PRICE 10n.

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"Oh, that mine enemy had written a Book !"'—Joe.

SUMMARY OF POLITICS. DUKE OF YORK.In the natural, though, perhaps, vain, hope, that what I now write may be read at a time when many circumstances, now notorious and familiar, will have been forgotten, I am induced to enter upon the subject before me with a formality of statement, which, were it not for such hope, would be absurd, or at least, would not appear quite necessary.—For some weeks past, I might say for some months, there has been a talk about sending the Duke of York, who is, and, for several years, has been, the Commander in Chief of the land forces of this country, to take the chief command of the troops sent, and about to be sent, by England, to the aid of the people of Spain and Portugal, in their present arduous struggle against the French. This rumour has excited great interest amongst all ranks of people, from the leading men in and about the metropolis, down to the very clowns in their Sunday mornings' chat at the church doors; and, upon this subject, though upon no other that can be mentioned, there appears to have been a perfect unanimity of feeling and of expression. The press has not been idle. It has, in all the ways that it is capable of operating, kept pace with the colloquial discussions; and, as party writers, who are opposed to each other, must have something, in each other, to find faalt with, every writer appears to have made it his study to seek out, in his opponent, as an object of attack, a failure, in some respect or other, to do justice to the public sentiment upon this particular subject.--Such, with respect to the Duke of York, was the state of the public mind, when, about twelve days. ago, an anonymous pamphlet of fifty-three pages, published by Mr. Symonds of PaterBosterRow, London, made its appearance, under the title of "A PLAIN STATEMENT OF "THE CONDUCT OF THE MINISTRY AND

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THE OPPOSITION, TOWARDS HIS ROYAL "HIGHNESS THE DUKE OF YORK;" which pamphlet it is my present intention to anlyse and remark upon. First, however, let me state what the pamphlet does not contain. When I saw a thing written in the way of answer to those, who, in the base cant of the day, are called the libellers" of the Duke of York, I naturally expected

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to find, in this answer, something or other respecting the military commands, with which he had before been invested; because the point, and the sole point at issue, was whether, or not, he ought now to have the command in Spain; and, no one could possibly fail to perceive, that that point must be decided, in all rational and impartial minds, by the experience of the past. What was my surprize, then, to find, that the pamphleteer, the avowed defender and eulogist t the Duke, said not ́a word of the Duke's commands upon the continent of Europe, aud did not even glance at them from the beginning to the end of his work, though of the publications, of which it was his object to complain, there was not one, which had not, in some way or other, touched upon those commands! Before all other things, therefore, it appeared necessary to clear up these matters, or, at least, to say all that an advocate was, upon such an occasion, able to say. But, instead of this what have we? Why the following curious logic, which I may venture to say will long remain without an equal. From

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his youth upwards, his royal highness has "passed through every stage of his military No one has yet appeared so totally wanting of all truth, as to question his royal highness's personal courage. Let "it be granted then, that with this acknowledged personal conrage, added to the com mon sense, which, we should hope, no one will deny him, his royal highness has, "at least, obtained the common knowledge "of his profession. Let us at least allow "him what is denied to no one, that he "cannot have passed through such a coarse "of s'udy, and under the best masters of "the age, without having acquired what "is almost necessarily acquired by every

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one in a similar course. Grant that his

royal highness is not superior to other ge"nerals, why should he be inferior? It is "known to every one who approaches him, "that he is not wanting in natural talents,

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in a solid and just understanding, "and in the art of observing, and availing "himself of his observations. Let us put it

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therefore, to the candour of the public, "and of the gentlemen of the army, if, with "such an understanding and such expe

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public prejudices," to end avour, at least, to convince us, that the Duke, the person who is to have the chief command in defending our properties and our lives, is superier, in military merit, to other generals, or to such other generals, at least, as we have in our service. If the country be not in danger; if there be not a strong probability, that this land will be invaded by a powerful foreign foe, why all these preparations? Why all these forts and posts and barracks; why all these volunteers and local militia and foreign troops; why such immense expenses; why such sacrifices of every description? Well, then, such being the case, is it sufficient to ask us to prove, that he, who is entrusted with the direction of all this force, is inferior to other generals' Is this thought sufficient to satisfy us, espe cially when accompanied with a charge of libel against every one, who, for years past, has dared to move his pen upon the subject? Such a writer does, verily, complain, with a good grace," that the spirit "of the times is not in favour of even that "measured obedience, that moderate res

"rience, such advantages of rank, and "with such good masters, it is not a "reasonable presumption, that his royal highness has at least the common and "sufficient knowledge of his military profession? Surely, it is not too much to ask "this concession."--This is not, indeed, generally speaking, much to ask. The disputant who should refuse to grant it, even in this particular case, might be deemed cruel, perhaps. But, suppose he should refuse, and suppose his refusal should be grounded upon a denial of those premises, which this expert reasoner presumes all the world to admit? Upon this supposition, what becomes of the argument? It is not thus, that men argue to conviction. Conviction, by the means of argument, requires premises really admitted, or, which is the same thing in effect, facts which are generally acknowledged, and which acknowledge. ment is a necessary consequence of wellknown deeds or events. If, indeed, this writer had appealed to the history of the actions, in which the Duke has been engaged, and shewed as that there were proofs of what he chose to take as his premises, the pect to guvernment, which is necessary conclusion might naturally have followed; "to the very existence of a community"! but, whatever may be the fact, however What does he wish for? What degree and true it may possibly be, that the Duke what marks of submission does he want? "has, at least, the common and sufficient All that has been said; all that has offended "knowledge of his military profession," him; all that has stirred his gall, and urged this writer has stated nothing, nothing at his stupid head and vindictive heart to the all, in proof of the proposition; which, executing of this miserable pamphlet, has therefore, remains a subject open to discus- consisted of supplications, uttered in delicate sion, but which i do not think it necessary hints and faultering accents, the effusions of to discuss, and shall only just observe, with the fears of a people, whom the love of respect to the "best masters of the age," life has not yet entirely forsaken. --Now either the writer must allude to such as are we come to what the pamphlet does contain, now under the Duke's own command, or to and this is expressed in a very few words: such as have been beaten, and driven from it is a reproachful complaint against both one end of Europe to the other, by that the ministry and the opposition for having enemy, against whom we have now to suffered the Duke of York to be "libelled," contend. But, is it sufficient to ask us, as this writer calls it, by the several editors "why the Duke should be inferior to other of papers, and other writers, in this king"generals?" Is it right to throw upon dom, and for having done nothing in de the public the burthen of proof, that our fence of his character. The person preferCommander in Chief, that the person on ring this complaint, says, that the present whose wisdom and skill and valour so much administration, for reasons best known to must depend, that the person who is en- themselves, choose to detach an individual trusted with the defence of our country; from their body, to put him, as it were, out is it right to throw upon us the burthen of of the covering protection of their society, proving, that this person is inferior to other and to give encouragement to a public perse generals? Is it upon ground like this, that cution of him; that any one, not acquainted the writer pats forward a claim to our confi- with public affairs, would be astonished to be dence? One might have expected, that told, that the most effective officer in the state, the avowed advocate of him, who is so he who should at least be the most effective highly empowered and entrusted, and who officer, is represented as one who is not receives sums so very large from the public to be trusted with the execution of what porse, would have it a point, especial-falls most immediately within his official du ly as his protenda wyod was to remove ties, and when the ministers of the country

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as this writer evidently is. "Since the days

of William III. there have existed in "this kingdom two avowed parties; an Opposition and a Ministry. As a defence "from the overwhelming predominance of

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either, every succeeding monarch has "deemed it necessary to have a kind of Do"mestic Party-a kind of Closet and Fa"mily Council, whom he may occasionally "interpose between even his ministry and "himself. The origin of this party has "been imputed to his majesty's father, or

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rather, to his mother whilst Dowager of "Wales; but the point of fact is, that it existed in the reign of George I., and

neither repel this accusation nor act upon it do the ministers, asks be, believe it, or not" If they do, why not act upon it? If not, is there no Attorney General, cr no Treasury papers? Is every possible fund of defence exhausted? He asks, whence it has happened, that, in all the friendships and eamities of parties, in all these contests of contrarieties, the Duke of York has never had even the usual advantage, being neglect. ed by one party and passed over by another? He says, that a powerful party have been indisposed against the Duke, have withheld from him the natural and necessary protec tion due to his rank and station, have left him naked to the assaults of his low-minded libellers, left him without allies in his time of need; and, asks he, " in what manner "has CORIOLANUS So offended both the "Consuls and the Senate, that he is cast " out naked to meet his fate amongst the "factious Tribunes?" In the aptness of a comparison consists its merit. CAIUS MARCIUS, though of a patrician family, was arged, by his zealous valour, to serve as a common soldier, in the Roman army, at the siege of Cariola. The Romans having been repulsed, he rallied some of his comrades, fell upon the enemy, and, pursuing them in their retreat, rushed pell-mell along with them into the city, of which he thus made himself master.

The resemblance between ibe two characters, thus far, will easily be traced; and we have only to continue it through their moral virtues. The Roman General allotted to the gallant youth the rich-, est part of the booty; but, he would accept of nothing but the name of CORIOLANUS, one horse, and one prisoner, who had formerly, been his host, and whom he instantly set at liberty. The wiiter of the pamphlet before us, says that the Duke of York is not fond of flattery, which, we may presume, was his sole reason for not digressing in this place to cite some such instances of gratitude, disinterestedness, and magnanimity, in the subject of his fifty-three pages of eulogium. -Having stated the fact of this disinclination, in both parties, towards the Duke, the writer then proceeds to state the cause of it; for, it will be easily perceived, that it was quite necessary to his purpose to find out a cause, other than that which the public, have been disposed to alledge. This cause, then, is, he says, that the Duke had all along adhered to a settled resolution, never to belong to any party. And here I shall for a while, confine myself to a mere quotation from the pamphlet, the matter being of a very delicate nature,, if any thing can be called delicate coming from such a silly brate

seems to have had no other origin than in "its manifest necessity. It was not the "creature of any design, or previous ar

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rangement; but, as a matter of prudence, "and necessary defensive policy, grew in"sensibly out of the very nature of things. "Now the immediate and almost neces

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sary members of this Party, are certainly "the King's Family and Household. Let "it not, therefore, be objected to the Duke "of York, that he has followed the course "of things."--Leaving this pretty description of a government to be commented on by those who have been so long in the habit of eulogizing our glorious Consti"tution," I now proceed to quote what' is said about the cause of the enmity which the Opposition are said to bear the Duke." It was represented to "his majesty, that according to the "principles upon which his ministry had "humbly offered their services, the public "expected of them, and they conceived "themselves obliged, to introduce a perfect "reform in all the branches of public ser"vice-that the Army wanted this reform, "and that his majesty would be pleased to

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consent, that a private Commission of "Inquiry should be appointed to sit daily at "the Horse Guards, and that the report of "this commission should be presented to "his majesty's most gracious consideration. "To this, likewise, his majesty con

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sented, and his royal highness did not

oppose it. The List of the Commis"sioners was made by the ministry, and "for the sake of appearances, the name of "his royal highness was not omitted. His "royal highness, however, did not deem it "decorous to sit on a Court of Inquiry into "his own conduct. The party, therefore, "and the Commission had their own Presi"dent. It is not the purpose of the pre

sent Notes to enter into any detail as to "the decency with which they executed this inquisition. Suffice it to say, that

"after a party, and therefore a rigorous " inquiry, it was not deemed prudent either "to make or to present a report. Another "resolution was taken, and it was deter"mined to attempt indirectly, and as it were by intrigue, what could not be hoped from other more direct means. It "must really be matter of astonishment "to all candid men, that individuals of an

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honourable name, and hitherto reputed to be of corresponding sentiments, "should descend to such an unworthy cun

ning. The characteristic of a great, and a little mind, says Bacon, is, that the "former takes the strait road, whilst the "latter creeps warily but cowardly to its "object by a bye-path.- -Two measures,

it is stated, were accordingly adopted by "the party. The one was to represent to

his royal highness, that the multiplicity "of business in the office of commander in "chief required that his royal highness "should have some assistance, and that

therefore the ministry had to propose to "his royal highness a division of his depart"ment; that the branches from which his "royal highness would be thus relieved, "might either be put in commission, as"signed to certain boards, or supplied by "individuals;-that in the latter case the "ministry would consider it as belonging "to them to recommend, but that the no"mination should be in his royal highness. "That it was not amongst their wishes to "diminish any thing of the patronage of "his royal highness, or to detract any thing

from the splendour of the commander in "chief. But that from regard to his royal

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highness, and from a deep consideration "of the value of his royal highness's time

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as commander in chief in the higher of"fices of his department, it was the anxi"ous wish of the ministry to relieve his "royal highness from the subordinate de"tails A negotiation was accordingly "commenced with his royal highness upon

these grounds; in the course of which his royal highness learned what was in"tended by these "subordinate details, "" and minor branches." His royal high"ness, in a word, learned, that these sub. "ordinate details, and minor branches,

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were such as to reduce his office to a mere cypher, and leave him, as commander in chief, in a situation about as active, as necessary, and as important, as the master of the horse. His royal highness very "naturally felt himself offended at being "entrapped even into a negotiation in a "business so adverse to his personal interests and military character; and the ne

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sure of the Grenville party was thus de "feated by the immediate interposition, not to say the command of his majesty. But "this ambitious party, though thus disp "pointed, were not defeated; they invent "ed another rallying post, and the words military council, and military board of supervision," were distributed as the "watch word of the party. The idea was "quickly circulated through all the minis "terial papers, and the cry of a party was

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magnified into the popular voice. The

people, it was said, demanded a military "council, and the nation would be lost, "unless the inexperience of the commander "in chief was assisted by a board of mili

tary supervision. It was moreover in"sinuated in one or more of the papers of "the party, that his royal highness was "not averse to the appointment of such a "board. Every thing, in a word, was put "in motion to work upon the popular mind; "and to those who know of what inflam "mable materials the people of England

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are made, it is needless to insist that so "many engines were not inefficacious.

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Nothing could be more unpleasant than the situation of his royal highness during "all this turmoil of intrigue and faction. "His open assailants were of a class with "whom his royal highness could not, con"sistent with his personal diguity, enter "into a contention. In what manner, for "example, could he oppose the attack of "newspapers, the assault of paragraphs, "and the storm of diurnal invective? Every

newspaper was in the hands of the reigning party, or if one of them boasted "of its independence, it usually proved its "claim by a daring attack on his royal high

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ness. This abuse was usually introduced "in terms expressive of the "candour and ""reluctance" of the writer. They were "unwilling (good creatures!) to wound "the feelings of any individual, and par "ticularly of one in every respect so meri "torious as his royal highness; but in com

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mon candour they were compelled to ac "knowledge, that the perilous situation of "affairs called for unusual vigour in the mi"litary department, and that his royal high "ness would be much relieved, by the ap

"pointment of a military council. The "similarity of all these paragraphs, and "certain words which were common to all, "seemed to bespeak their common origin, "and the public hearing the same thing "said on all sides, and by all parties, began "to conclude that there was something in it; "and the press, in pamphlets and reviews, "echoed back the clamour of the daily jour"nals."The author then goes on to speak of the complaints made by the Duke to the ministers, upon the subject of these attacks, but of complaints. we shall notice bye and by. At present our attention is called to a paragraph of the pamphlet, which is extremely mysterious, but which, perhaps, the reader will make shift to comprehend. "In this man"ner, in this urgency for a direct inquiry

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on one side, and this refusal to grant it on "the other, passed away the whole period "of the late administration, until some time "about the conclusion, when it was deemed "necessary, from party expediency, and "from motives which require no explana"tion, to make CERTAIN PROPOSALS "to his royal highness. To these proposals "his royal highness may be presumed to have "answered, that it was the settled maxim "of his life to belong to no party, but to "consider himself as the servant and subject " of the king;-that he moreover did not agree in opinion with his majesty's mi"nisters upon the points in agitation; but "did not deem it necessary to explain him"self more fully. That with respect to any "OPPOSITION AGAINST HIM his royal highness might have added, that he was at a loss to understand what could be intended

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by it, as his majesty's ministers, in all "his royal highness's demands for inquiry, "had repeatedly disavowed their knowledge "of any such personal hostility. Under all "circumstances his royal highness could, "we think, see no sufficient reason for de

parting from the settled maxim of all his "former life,-to consider himself as a " member of the royal family, and the ser"vant of his sovereign alone. That, least "of all, therefore, could his royal highness "have any will or opinion in contradiction "to that of his father.-Within a few days "after this latter negociation, the Grenville "and Fox party had ceased to be ministers,

and his majesty had summoned others to his council. It may be collected from "this statement, that neither in the com"mencement, nor in the conclusion of the "Grenville administration, could this party "be considered as friendly to his royal high"ness. This statement, moreover, may pos

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signified by letter his majesty's pleasure "that lord Howick should not come to Wind"sor."- He then proceeds to state the cause of the hostility of the present ministry towards the Duke of York, which statement I shall give in his own words :-" With re"spect to the Ministry, his royal highness "is about as favourably situated as with the "Opposition. The enmity of the one may "be as easily accounted for on the ordinary "passions of mankind, as the other. His

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royal highness, however, we prestime, "cannot complain that the existing admi"nistration are not friendly to him. Friend"ship is not a thing of right on one side or "of obligation on the other. He never,

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we believe, sought the friendship of mi"nisters, and therefore has no complaint "that he does not possess it. There is, "however, or at least there should be, a "middle term between friendship and en"mity. Where, therefore, is the justi"fying cause for the conduct of adminis"tration ?-When his majesty had resolved "to constitute a new administration, if pub"lic report may be credited. his royal highness had it in command from the king to "inform the duke of Portland of his majesty's intentions His royal highness, it "is said, executed his majesty's commands "in person. He is said to have repeated "only the words of the king, and distinct"ly to have informed the duke of Portland, "that he was to consider his royal highness "in no other point of view than as the mes

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senger bearing certain words of his ma"jesty; that he had no list, and no autho"rity to designate any individual whatever, "In a conversation which followed, the " same reports add, that his royal high

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