subsist among us; let us make our enemy, committee of council for trade and foreign bite himself with envy, to see that at the plantations, to acquaint you, that in conse same time that we are brave warriors, we quence of a recommendation from their lordlove one another with reciprocity. Let no ships, the lords commissioners of the admitumults or discordant voices be heard among ralty have been pleased to give instructions us, but only the repeated, cordial, and har- to the admirals commanding on the Jamaica monious clamours of, long live the prince and Leeward Islands stations, and to sir Sidour lord, and long live his faithful subjects ney Smith commanding at the Brazils, to use JOAO DE ALMEIDA REBEIRO. every means in their power, as well by stationing cruizers as by the appointment of convoys, for the protection of British and Spanish vessels employed in the trade carried on between the British free ports in the West Indies, and the Spanish colonies in that part of the world, against the attacks of French privateers; and I am to request you will communicate this information to the merchants concerned in the trade above mentioned.—I am, Sir, &c. STEPHEN COTTRELL. MOORISH PROCLAMATION-Courage to the Christian; and to shew that we know all. Unfortunate christian,-Ala shews his approbation to you in several ways. You were first oppressed by a tyrant, avaricious of money, who robbed my cousin Charles of his treasures, and you of your blood. He fell, and you acted very wrong not to treat him with Zarra Zarra, which is as much as to say, not to cut off his head. Why did you not do so? Because you were asleep Since that time you have met with another tyrant, ambitious of kingdoms, and he deprived my cousin Charles of his throne, including in the privation all his race, in order to keep the possession to himself, and to come before much apse of time to deprive me also of my throne. Arouse, christians! Ah, Fren h dog, why did you give opium to the christians, to get possession of the principal persons, and to effect your entry without exciting apprehension? Why did you not enter sword in hand. that your objects may be seen and the christians may treat yon with Zaria Zarra? Christians, you have lost time! Desert this tyrant, as you regard yourselves. Let Seville be loyal, brave, and firm in doing justice! Christians! attack these dogs, and defend the kingdom for the son of my cousin; and let that currish na tion be abhorred for ever. Courage, brave christians attack them, and let Ala the great assist you. I entreat you to defend your kingdom, for my cousin, and for the Englishmen likewise. Let all nations see this, in order that they may know who the French dog is, and that they may rise against him. Sleep no more, christians ! Noble Junta of Seville, do strict and severe ENGLISH ORDER OF COUNCIL, relating to the Sir, I am directed by the lords of the AMERICA. (Circular Letter.) At a meeting of the president and directors of the bank of the United States, on the 13th May 1808, the following report was approved, viz.-The committee appointed to consider what measures ought in their opinion, to be pursued by the directors of this bank, respecting the stockholders of the United States funded debt, who reside in Europe, and have empowered this bank to remit the dividends received on their account, respectfully submit the following resolution “ That the cashier of this bank be, and he hereby is, directed to inform the stockholders of the United States' funded debt, who reside in Europe, and have empowered the bank to remit, for their account and risk, the dividends received thereon, that, during the present embargo, and the general deranged state of commerce, it will not be possible to purchase bills of exchange, except at an unusually high price, which must necessarily subject those stockholders to a very heavy loss: that, under circumstances so much to be regretted, it is the desire of the directors of this bank, that the said stockholders would, as soon as possible, give positive directions to the cashier, either to continue his purchase of bills, if any can be obtained, at their current price, and to remit them as usual, to their agents, or to have the amount of their dividends remain to their credit on the books of the United States, unless they should prefer their being received and deposited for their account at this bank. Attested, "D. LENNOX, President." G. SIMPSON, Cashier. Printed by Cox and Baylis, Great Queen Street; published by R. Bagshaw, Brydges Street, Covent Garden, where former Numbers may be had: sold also by J. Budd, Crown and Mitre, Pall-Mall. VOL. XIV. No. 7] LONDON, SATURDAY, AUGUST 13, 1808. 225] "Lion feeders, lainb-like fighters...... SUMMARY OF POLITICS. SPANISH REVOLUTION. — On Friday, the 5th instant, a grand dinner was given by the merchants and bankers, to the Spanish Deputies, at the City of London Tavern, at which, it appears, that the king's ministers attended. At this dinner, there were, it is said, 400 persons present; and that they had upon the table, two thousand five hundred pounds weight of turtle, that being merely one article of their food, another article consisting of forty or fifty haunches of veniSOR. How many hundreds of wretches have worked like galley slaves, upon bread and water, to supply this gluttonous repast! It was a feast well calculated to inspire the sentiments, which were uttered in the form of toasts, and, through which toasts, the fact has been published to the world, that we are to be taxed for carrying on a war in Spain. not for the sake of giving liberty and happiness to the people of that wretched country, but for that of restoring the havetal despotism that had so long prevailed, and the last act of which was, to introduce a French army, and to give up the royal authority to Frenchmen In any other light than as the vehicle of this declaration, the gluttonous meeting would be unworthy of notice; for, of what consequence is it to Buonaparté what we say, or think, about his attempts upon Spain? And, especially, of what consequence is it to any one, what the London gormandizers say, or think about it? Napoleon would laugh at the idea of an attack from the turtle patriots, who, like the animal from which they take their name, would be easily caught napping, and, if once overthrown, would quietly he 'till he should find it convenient to destroy them. If we could beat Napoleon with toasts and songs and tunes and doggerel and with the hoisting of flags, we should have beaten him long ago. The last time I saw the English Aag hoisted in union with that of any other nation, it was intwined with that of France, and, in the Garidh II of this same city of London, they waved over the heads of the Mayor, the Aldermen, and Mr. Osto! Upon that occasion Buonaparte's health was, I think, the second toast, and, in point of satisfaction, given by it to the company, it hardly seemed to yield to -DRYDEN. [PRICE 10D. [226 the cart-loads of sweet-meats, which the tawdry wives and daughters of the citizens were, with both hands at once, camining down their throats; and, who will lay me a guinea, that, if Napoleon were to give peace and security to us, upon condition that we would leave him to work his will with Spain, a very great majority of those who devoured the 2,500 pounds weight of turtle would not jump at the offer, and express great anxiety and uneasinesss for the sending away of those very Spanish deputies, who have now to support the calamity of their caresses?-The fourth toast was, we are told, “ King Ferdinand VII," which was, the reporter says, received with loud applause, and even with enthusiasm. To give this toast was, it is very probable, the principal object of the meeting. In the king's speech, at the close of the last session of parliament, there was a talk about loyalty, but nothing was hinted as to whom it was the object of this country to set over Spain; in the king's answer to the address of the city of London, he is more explicit, declaring that his sole object is to restore the ancient government of Spain; bat, still, there was room for doubt. This meeting seems to have been regarded as the best vehicle of conveying to the public, in the first instauce, the fact, that we are to pay and to fight for the Bourbons. The king's ministers were present; one of them was the orator for the Spanish Deputies; and, we may, therefore, sately conclude, that they approved of the toast. Indeed, it is well known, that, upon such occasions, the toasts and all the proceedings are generally laid down in writing, beforehand, and are submitted to the ministers, without whose consent, not a sentiment is publicly uttered.We may, therefore, I think, lock upon it as a settled point, that the object of our government is to restore the House of Bourbon to the throne of Spain, and that, too, without any limi ations whatever. This I think a very unjustifiable enterprize. So far from its doing good, supposing it to succeed, I am convinced it will do harm to every nation in Europe, and particularly to this nation. We shall, moreover, if it be the object to place Ferdinand upon the throne, be engaged in supporting an unpation; for, is it H not notorious that he deposed his father, and that the father has formally protested against the assumption of the royal authority by his son?" The father was an ideot," say some; but, is that really a stifficient teason for his sons pushing him from the from him by order of Joseph Buonaparté, or by order of Ferdinand VII? Why, the man that will fight for the sake of a choice between the two must be a downright brute. -We have all along been expressing our hopes, that the example of Spain may have a throne? Kings would be in a peril-powerful effect in France, that the French people may catch the flame, and finally shake off the yoke, which Napoleon has had the address to put upon their necks. But, if the war in Spain be carried on for Ferdinand, and, even if it should restore him to the throne, what good is that likely to do in France? What flame will there be for the people of France to eatch? How are they to profit from that example? Or, is there any one so very very stupid as to suppose. that the people of France, who, in spite of all Napoleon's acts of despotism, do now possess the lands and houses of former nobility, clergy, and rich men, will, for the mere pleasure of having a change of masters, give up all those extensive and valuable possessions? If, indeed, the Spaniards were to beat Napoleon, and establish a new government, promising the enjoyment of li ous way, if, upon a pretence of their being ideots, they could, at any moment, be deposed. But, we are told, that the oid king abdicated his throne in favour of his son Ferdinand. And, has not Ferdinand since abdicated that same throne in favour of the enperor Napoleon? If one was a forced abdication the other was not less so; and, in the latter case, there has been no protest at all, while, in the former case, there was a protest. So that, if any body be rightfully king of Spain, it is the old king and not the young one, unless we allow of the validity of the several acts of abdication; and, then, Joseph Buonaparté is the rightful king of Spain. -The fact now appears to be, that there were two parties in Spain, one for the old king and the Prince of Peace, and one for the young king, then the Prince of Asturias; that the latter did, at last, pre-berty and property, then their example vail; that they caused the old king to abdicate his throne; and that, after Ferdinand had been frightened away by Murat, they rose in arms to resist the French and for the purpose of causing Ferdinand to be restored. It is, therefore, this party only who are fighting and writing against the French; and, I am much afraid, that their object is not that of establishing freedom in Spain. If this be the case, Napoleon will be very little affected by the surrender of DUPONT and his army. He has not a people, but merely a faction to contend with; a faction Iras, and can have, no fixed principle of action; difficulties will produce disagreements amongst the leaders; and, one sweeping defeat puts an end to the insurrection. The war now appears to be not for freedom from oppression; not for the purpose of keeping out a conqueror, not for the rights of the people; but merely for a choice of despots. It is a war, in which two rival kings are contending for the mastership over an enslaved nation; and, as to the people of Spain, they have, if this be the case, really no more interest in the issue, than the sheep or the swine of Spain. These latter will not, I warrant them, be killed unless they have good flesh upon their bones; and the former will not be robbed, unless they possess something worth the taking away. Ita min, or a nation, be enslaved, it is no matter who, or what, is his master. What signifies it to ◆ Spaniard, whether his dinner be taken The would be powerful with the French, and war against England; for, no treaty has been made with him; no peace has been made with him, or with any person acting under his authority. It has been declared, that we are at peace with the Spanish nation; but, not a word has been said about peace with a king of Spain. Ferdinand is in France, and the last act which we hear of, as his, was a declaration that he had made a voluntary surrender of his authority as king of Spain, and as heir to the Spanish throne. But, the turtle-patriots wanted a something to set up against Buonaparte, and it mattered, to them, very little indeed who, or what, it was. It was a dread of Buonaparte, and not a love of freedom, by which they were inspired. They will not, however, get the nation to adopt their sentiments. Hundreds and thousands would willingly venture even their lives in the cause of Spanish freedom; but the turtle-patriots will find nobody fool enough to hazard any thing for the sake of Ferdinand VII, whom there is no man, not a peculator in one way or another, that does not wish to keep where he is, as being the fittest place for him, who gave up the sword of Francis I. DUKE OF YORK.I have lately read, in several of the news-papers, a great deal about this" illustrious person," as they all have the grace and good-manners to call him; but, though I have been long enough used to their language, I do not distinctly understand what they mean. It would seem, that there had been a design, on the part of somebody or other in the government, to send the Duke as commander in chief of our armies in Spain and Portugal; and, I supposed, of course, that this measure was to be adopted, because, at present, there was no danger of invasion, and, of coarse, no immediate need of any exertion of the skill and courage of the royal person in question. But, from an article in the Morning Chronicle, which has just reached me, I am inclined to think, that I have misconceived the meaning of these writers, who, though differing very widely upon almost every other subject, perfectly agree upon this. I have been not a little surprized at this uncommon coincidence in sentiment, and have made some very earnest efforts to get at a correct account of the cause of it. At first, I attributed it to the general dread of leaving this island without a Commander in Chief, at a moment so critical, when an unlucky accident to our fleet, co-operating with an easterly wind, might, in twenty four hours, have brought fifty thousand Frenchmen, with a General Brune (Lord preserve us!) at their head. But, I soon found, that this dread was not so prevalent as I had imagined; and, from the article I am about to quote, it would appear, that the objection to the departure of the royal commander had arisen from different motives. It seems, from this article, that some one has written, and cansed to be printed, an address to the cabinet ministers, censuring them for listening to the public voice as to the talked of appointment of the royal soldier as commander in chief in Spain and Portugal.— We have," says the editor of the Morn ing Chronicle, in his paper of the 9th instant, "seen a printed address to the cabinet "ministers (which, however, we believe is -The victory of CASTANOS and De TILLY Over DUPONT is of great importance, be the object of the war what it may; for, it will tend to lengthen the contest; and, if there be a long contest, let us hope, that new. men will arise, and, by degrees, extinguish the miserable tools of the despot. If the people have to bleed for what they win; if they suffer severely for the purpose of keeping out a foreign despot, let us hope, that they will not again yield their necks to a despot of native growth.This COUNT DE TILLY is, I believe, a Frenchman, a circumstance, which, I suppose, the newspaper editors thought of too little interest to notice. In 1798, or 1799, he was amongst the emigrants in Philadelphia, where he was married, by a methodist preacher, to a daughter of the late Mr. Bingham, and which daughter, after having been divorced from the Count by an act of the legislature of the State, was, I have beard, married to a son of Sir Francis Baring. The Count, from precisely what consideration I know not, left Philadelphia, soon after the marriage, and it was said, that he went to Spain. If it be the same man, and I see no reason to suspect the contrary, he is now about forty years of age, a very gay and very clever man, and a man likely to be engaged in dashing enterprizes. If the Count and I were to meet again, we should hardly forbear expressing our admiration of" only confidentially handed about), upori the freaks of Madam Fortune, who chose to "the subject of the appointment of his royal 66 highness the Duke of York to the com mand of the army destined for foreign "service. The object of it is, to persuade "the present ministers of the crown that the "judgment generally passed upon the merits "of his royal highness is most injurious"that it cannot be justified by a review of "his past services, but that it has been " hastily formed upon the false representations of newspapers and other periodical "writers, who delight in nothing so much as in severity of remark; and, in fine, "that ministers, instead of suffering them"selves to be guided by public opinion, ought "to govern it, by acting in defiance of the popular sentiment. The writer, however, "has been rather injudicious in the choice "of his arguments, when it is considered "to whom they are addressed, for, without affecting at all to disguise the uniform failure of the military enterprises of the "Dake of York, he endeavours to shew that all his failures ought to be attributed not to any want of science in his royal highness, but to the administrations un"der which he acted. The siege of Dun"kirk, for example, he ascribes to the "silliness of Mr. Pitt and his colleagues, "in suttering themselves to be deceived by ་་ " a ruse de guerre of the cabinet of Vienna'; and the unfortunate capitulation of the "Helder, he represents as the inevitable "result of General Abercrombie's impro"dence, in allowing himself to be influenced "by the advice of Johnstone, the smuggler, "and the total want of judgment manifested "at that time by Lord Melville, who was "at the head of the war department. The "former part of this insinuation is of too "foul and false a nature not to be repelied "with scorn by every one who recollects "the exalted character of General Aber"crombie, and the accusation against Lord "Melville we shall leave to those to answer "who feel more interested than we do in "that noble person's character. But upon "the whole, we do not think the present "address very well calculated to make proselytes in the present cabinet. One obvious inference which the public "would draw from it (were they permit"ted to see jt) is this, that when, in the case of any great military disaster, "the officer who commands is not brought before a court martial, the minister "who appointed him ought to be im peached."It is -It is not for me, who Live at such a distance from the all-enlightenjag metropolis, to pretend to meddle much with such high matter." Whether, therefore, the judgement generally passed upon the merits of the royal commander be correct or not, I shah not attempt to decide; but, one thing may, I think, venture to assert, without the risk of committing an error, and that is, that if, from whatever cause, the ministers, have, as this news pa per insinuates, refused to suffer the royal chieftain to go to Spain after application made by him for that purpose, they are, in justice to that royal person, bound to lay that cause before the public, seeing that the royal chieftain still has the command of all the numerous troops kept on foot for the purpose of defending this country against the very same sort of enemy, that he would have to encounter in Spain or Portugal. This writer talks of the uniform failure" of the royal captain; but, without stopping to inquire into the fact, is it, if such fact be true, a good reason for not sending the royal commander abroad, and also a good reason for keeping him in the chief command at home, where the emoluments of the office are so very great? Would not "failure" here, be as fatal to us as failure in Spain? It can not be that this is the real cause; for, if it were possible that any set of ministers would, for such a reason, not suffer a commander to go abroad, and were still willing to suffer him to remain commander in chief at home, it is quite impossible that any man, I will not say any prince of the blood, but any thing having even the outward shape of manhood, should continue in such command. Why, the dogs in the street would bark, the cats would miaw. the very chickens would coc coc-coe, at the approach of a creature so loathsomely base. Dismiss from your mind, therefore, my honest reader, all the notions, which may have been imbibed through the insinuations of articles like that abovequoted; and believe, like a faithful and loyal subject, that there is some very suffici ent and honourable reason for the royal commander's remaining at home. I beg you to remark, too, that these insinuations are thrown out by men, who are but too apt to accuse others of a want of attachment to the person and race of the sovereign. I always said, that, when it came to the pinch, we should be found to stick most steadily to the royal family. Their flatterers now show a disposition to skulk; but, I trust, we shall be firm at their side, as long as there is a fea ther and a drop of ink to be found. Botley, August 10, 1808. SPANISH REVOLUTION, Sir; It is a fact to be lamented, but which we collect from daily experience, that ingrity of principles and virtuous demeanor |