to know a man upon the point of becoming | tion we possess? In order to make out a a bankrupt, why should I not state the fact? What harm can arise from it? And if, upon any occasion, I speak what is false, there is the law to punish me, and to make compensation to the person whom I have slandered. It is said, that you would, by allowing a liberty like this, set every neighbourhood together by the ears. Why should it be so? I can discover no reason for it It is to deny the excellence of truth, to suppose that an unrestrained expression of the truth could be productive of injury. It is fitting that all men and women and actions should be generally known for what they are; and, it appears to me, that to express a fear at the promulgation of truth, is to foster falshood, and to offer a screen for all sorts of vices. There are many vices and crimes, too, that the law will not reach, yet they ought to be repressed, and how are they to be repressed unless men dare communicate freely their knowledge to one another? I publish that such an one is a liar. If what I assert be false, my falshood can be made appear, and I am punished in one way or another; but, if what I assert be true, is it not useful, that it should be known ?Upon this principle the law of England formerly proceeded. The indictment of a person for a libel always stated, that he had uttered what was false; falshood was essential as a ground work of the charge. As we have grown in refinement our ears have become more delicate, and it is now sufficient that the words are scandalous and malicious, qualities which it is not easy to define, and which are, indeed, mere matter of opinion. What one man thinks scandalous and malicious another man does not think so; but, all the world are agreed with respect to falshood and truth. These admit of proof; the others do not. Against a charge of falshood evidence can be brought; but, as to scandal and malice they must be left to surmise, to the opinions of a jury; and thus a salvo is provided for the consciences of men who would be afraid of point blank perjury. As the law now stands, you may not speak the truth, for fear of doing mischief. There is something so repugnant to reason in this, that I cannot be brought to consider it as wise. We all pretend, that to obtain truth is our great object. We all pretend to detest disguise, hypocrisy, and all the various sorts of falshood. If we have servants to hire, tradesmen to employ, acquaintances to form, our first step is to obtain a true account of them; and why, then, should the law forbid us to communicate to the public at large all the informa defence of the contrary doctrine, some have supposed, that, if every one were at liberty to publish all the truth that came to his knowledge, the prints would be filled with anecdotes of domestic occurrences, with which the world have nothing to do. Either such occurrences are interesting to the world, or they are not; if the former, they ought to be known, if the latter, the world would not attend to them, and the promulgation of them would soon meet its just punishment in the contempt which would fall upon the promulgator. To prevent the publication of truth is to confound, the wise with the foolish, the honest man with the rogue, the brave man with the coward, the virtuous with the vicious. Where there is no press, or no shew of freedom allowed in using it, the people expect to hear no truth through that channel; but, where the liberty of the press is a subject of boasting, they may well expect to hear the whole truth, and, if they hear it not, they are deceived with a shadow. Nothing can be more worthy of punishment than the publication of wilful falsehood. I would, with all my heart, make this crime transportation, where it seriously affected the reputation of any man, in whatever rank of life. To the feelings of a person, falsely accused, ample vengeance is due; but, if I speak no more of a man than I can prove to be true, am I to be branded as a ruffian who has no regard for the feelings of my neighbour? Shall a fool be looked upon as having the feelings of a wise man, a peculator the feelings of a man of integrity, a reprobate the feelings of a saint? Aye, say some persons, you think, then, that it is only the innocent whose feelings are to be considered, but, you cannot wound the feelings of the innocent; it is only the guilty that feel. Hence Lord Mansfield's maxim, I suppose: " the great er the truth the greater the libel," according to which maxim it is a greater libel to call a highwayman a highwayman, than to give the same appeilation to a person perfectly free of every crime. This is the unavoidable consequence of making it a crime to publish truth; and, in my opinion, of all the means of debasing and corrupting a people, none is more efficacious or more speedy, than that of giving them a press, through which truth has not a free circulation. SPANISH REVOLUTION.- -The intelligence from Spain seems to indicate, that, let the result be what it may, there will be an arduous contest. This I most earnestly pray for; because, without such a contest, no good can arise. In his answer to the Loudoners, the king says, he has no other object than that of supporting the "ancient "government" of Spain. Precisely what his majesty may mean by the word ancient, I cannot positively say; but, I hope, he does not mean, that government who sent the Spanish army to the North of Europe; who gave up the sword of Francis I; who introduced a French army into Spain; who made Murat Lieutenant of the kingdom; and who sold the Spaniards to Buonaparte for a snug maintenance in France. It is the government, I should hope, that existed when the Cortes, or representatives of the people, used to be fairly assembled, and when the nation was not governed by a set of intriguing tyrants. This being the case I cordially agree with his majesty, and hope that his efforts will be crowned with success. If the people of Spain are to have a despot, I care not one straw who he is. I feel no interest in the events going on. I care not which side beats, or is beaten.-The grandees are going back, it seems, the lacqueys of Joseph Napoleon. This is what they ought to be. Were I in his place, I would make them black the shoes of my French servants. Nobility indeed! Here is a precious specimen of the effects of high blood! What an example is here! What a lesson for the nations of Europe! Talk of upstart kings and nobles; are there any of them, any of the "ale-house-keeper's sons", who have, in any one case, acted thus? What must that government bave been, which was composed of wretched vermin like these? Is there any man who will openly say, that he wishes to see such a government restored? Loyal! aye, these base scoundrels were, I warrant it, the very pink of loyalty, and have, amongst them, sent many a man to the gallows upon the suspicion of being disloyal. I warrant it, they have been famous persecutors in this way. Their example, will, however, be useful, long after Joseph Buonaparte, if he should succeed, will have sent them all to clean the kennels of Madrid; for, when he is once safely seated upon the throne, he will have too much sense to keep such base wretches near his person. Grandees! They have been grandees quite long enough. The turn of somebody else is come. The soldier is abroad, as I told Sir Baalam long enougir ago; and, ere he puts up the sword, he will have his share of the good things of this world.There are, I clearly perceive, some persons, who wish to see the Spaniards beat Buonaparte, but wish not to see any change of the royal family or the government, in Spain. Such persons may make up their minds to a disappointment; for, never will Buonaparté be beaten by men that can bear the idea of again putting on the yoke of despotism. One or the other the Spaniards must be, either the subjects of Joseph Napoleon, or their own masters, subject only to a government of their own choosing. What say the CORN AGAINST SUGAR. "Barley growers" now? Barley has not fallen, notwithstanding all the predictions of Mr. Arthur Young. Nay, it has continued to rise, while cats have risen one third in price. I wonder what will be said now? What shuffle will be resorted to? I should like to hear what can be said by those who met to petition against the sugar-bill. There is, I think, au appearance of a short crop of barley and oats. The introduction of sugar will have added about 300,000 quarters to the crop, which, though hardly worth mentioning in comparison with the amount of the produce of the country, is something, and the bill will, therefore, have done some little good. -The clamour, which was raised, at the time that this bill was before the House of Commons, should not soon be forgotten. The agricultural people should be frequently reminded of it. They brought forth all their interest and their very best talents upon the occasion. Let it, therefore, remain as a standard whereby to judge of the degree of reliance that is to be placed upon them. I repent, that they are embodied into a sect. All sectaries are bigots. There is no liberality of discussion, or of thought, amongst them; their tenets are always to be distrusted, and their assertions, as to facts, are not always to be relied on. That this widely spread and powerful sect should have been beaten by the indolent West Indians is truly astonishing, and cannot be attributed to any thing but the badness of their cause. Botley, 28th July, 1809. OFFICIAL PAPERS. LONDON. On the 20th July, 1808, the mayor, aldermen, recorder, sheriffs, and common council of the city of London, waited upon his majesty, at the queen's pa lace (being introduced by lord Rivers, the lord in waiting), with the following address, which was read by sir John Silvester, the recorder, as follows:-To the king's most excellent majesty. The humble, dutiful, and loyal address of the lord mayor, men, and commons of the city of London, in common council assembled.—Most gracious sovereign, we, your majesty's loyal subjects, the lord mayor, aldermen, and com alder mons of the city of London, in common council assembled, with hearts full of dutiful affection to your royal person, and inseparably attached to the honour and prosperity of your government, humbly desire to approach your throne, and represent to your majesty the sentiments of a free and faithful people. While we contemplate with horror and indignation, the atrocious perfidy and wanton violence employed by the ruler of France, to reduce under his yoke the Spanish monarchy and the Spanish people, we cannot refrain from expressing our joy and exultation at the pure and animating spirit of patriotism, displayed by that high-minded and gallant nation, in defence of their dearest rights and privileges. They have appealed to the generous feelings of your majesty for protection and support, and they have not appealed in vain. You, sire, have felt, as the sovereign of a free people, who, by extending his powerful aid to a nation, struggling for liberty and independence, holds forth to the world a happy and practical illustration of the blessings which his own subjects enjoy.-The solemn declaration by which your majesty has been pleased to recognize the Spanish nation as a natural friend and ally, against the common enemy of all established governments; the frank, disinterested, and inspiriting pledge which you have given, that you have no other object than that of preserving unimpaired the integrity and independence of the Spanish monarchy; the wisdom, liberality, and promptitude of the measures consequently adopted by your majesty's government, have excited in our breasts the most lively and grateful sensations.-We have to entreat your majesty's acceptance of our most cordial thanks for the noble and liberal system of policy by which your councils have been, and continue to be actuated towards Spain; and we beg leave to assure you, that, in contributing to the success of your royal interposition in a cause, at once so great and glorious, and so peculiarly congenial to the spirit and feelings of your people, no exertion shall be withheld, no sacrifice shall be spared on our part, to prevent twelve millions of fellow-freemen from being accursed with the most galling and profligate despotism recorded in the history of the world.In the measures which your majesty may think proper to adopt for accomplishing this great end, you may, sire, rely with the firmest confidence upon the affectionate, zealous, and enthusiastic support of your Joyal citizens of London. We feel ourselves identified with the patriots of Spain; we sympathise in all their wants; we participate in all their wishes; and we humbly beg leave to express our fervent hope, that the glorious struggle in which the Spanish nation is engaged, aided by the energies, resources, and magnanimity of the British empire, may succeed, not only in asserting the independence of the Spanish monarchy, but in ultimately effecting under the protection of divine providence, the emancipation of Europe, and the re-establishment of the blessings of peace. To which address his majesty was pleased to return the following most gracious answer: -I thank you for your very loyal and dužiful address. I accept, with pleasure, your congratulations on the prospect opened to the world, by the brave and loyal exertions of the Spanish nation, against the tyranny and usurpation of France, and on the reestablishment of peace between Great Britain and Spain. In aiding the efforts of the Spanish nation, I have been actuated by no other motive than that of affording the most effectual and disinterested assistance to a people, struggling for the maintenance of their ANCIENT government and national independence. I have no doubt I shall continue to receive from you and from all classes of my people, the same zealous and affectionate support which I have experienced on so many, and on such important occasions. They were all received very graciously, and had the honour to.... kiss his majesty's hand! AMERICA.-Letter from Mr. Jefferson to the Delegates of the Democratic Republicans of the City of Philadelphia, in general Committee assembled. 25th May, 1808. The epoch, fellow-citizens, into which our lot has fallen, has indeed been fruitful of the events, which require vigilance and embarrass deliberation. That, during such a period of difficulty, and amidst the perils surrounding us, the public measures which have been pursued should meet your approbation, is a source of great satisfaction.-It was not expected, in this age, that nations, so honourably distinguished by their advances in science and civilization, would suddenly cast away the esteem they had merited from the world, and revolting from the empire of morality, assume a character in history, which all the tears of their posterity will never wash from its pages.-But, during this delirium of the warring powers, the ocean having become a field of lawless violence, a suspension of our navigation, for a time, was equally necessary to avoid contest, or enter it with advantage. This measure will indeed produce some temporary inconve nience, but promises lasting good, by promoting among ourselves, the establishment of manufactures hitherto sought abroad, at the risk of collisions no longer regulated by laws of reason or morality.It is to be lamented that any of our citizens, not thinking with the mass of the nation as to the principles of our government, or of its administration, and seeing all its proceedings with a prejudiced eye, should so misconceive and misrepresent our situation as to encourage aggression from foreign nations. Our expectation is, that their distempered views will be understood by others, as they are by ourselves. But should war be the consequence of these delusions, and the errors of our dissatisfied citizens find atonement only in the blood of their sounder brethren, we must meet it as an evil nccessarily flowing from that liberty of speaking and writing which guards our other liberties; and I have entire confidence in the assurances that your ardour will be animated, in the conflicts brought on, by considerations of the necessity, honour, and justice of our cause. I sincerely thank you, fellow-citizens, for the concern you so kindly express for my future happiness. It is a high and abundant reward for endeavours to be useful; and I supplicate the care of providence oyer the well being of yourselves and our beloved country. PORTUGAL. Account of recent Transactions, published at Oporto, 6th July, 1808, by authority of the partizans of the Prince Regent, now calling themselves the Go vernment. The most important occurrence that could elevate the nation to glory and dignity was reserved for our days, which will serve to transmit to posterity the illustrious name of the heroic Portuguese, and to note in the records of this fine and opulent city, the immortal epoch of its restoration, and that she gave the alarm to the whole kingdom.—The most cordial love to the best of princes, stimulated all hearts in Portugal, to oppose the most unjust and most scandalous usurpation. The most unlimited oppress ons, the violation of all rights, and the absolute disrespect of the most sacred duties, armed every inhabitant to shake off the tyrannic yoke that oppressed them. But the dispenser of empires had reserved to this city the prerogative of leading the way, and stimulating by its example every body to emancipate this kingdom For this purpose he raised amongst us persons of genius, resolution, and vigour, capable of atchieving so illus trious a purpose. The fatal day that depri ved us of our lawful sovereign, whom the hand of the Omnipotent has preserved from the wicked one, who persecuted him,. opened the way to the most disastrous events, which, after having overrun the continent with misery, desolation, and death, were about to effect the complete destruction of our happy peninsula, perfidy, simulation, and a combination of all artifices being the forerunner of this oppression and tyranny'➡ violence and the most daring ambition, its followers of that monstrous man, the produce of the cruel revolutions, which, for these nineteen years, has upset so many thrones, and ruined so many people; who has made a traffic in kingdous and in men; who has put on the mask of religion the more impudently to profane it; who has displayed to advantage all sorts of crimes, without being impeded by the least glimpse of morality, or kept back by remorse; that celebrated Napoleon, whom vile flattery and its followers, or, with more propriety whom the fear of his tyrannies, has raised to the most elevated unmerited titles; after having announced by his representative Junot to our desolate nation, that he would protect us, dared to conceive in his illusive ideas, and to utter without a blush "that th house of Braganza had ceased to reign in Portugal." Unthinking man! What right, what convention authorizes this iniquity and usurpation? Who constituted Napoleon the universal tutor of kings and of nations? Who devolved on him the succession of thrones wrested by his tyranny from their legitimate possessors? Who entrusted him with that extraordinary and famous protection which authorises the spoliation of private property, and the trampling under foot of all rights and privileges, that destroys and confounds all order? The most manifest batred arose in the hearts of the nation, on its observing the accumulation of injustice and barbarity, with the most scandalous indecency; then began the vision of protec tion to dissolve: forty millions of crusaders were levied on this unhappy country as an extraordinary contribution of war, a country which the absence of its beloved prince, the invasion by numerous troops, the total stagnation of commerce, and the discou ragement of industry and arts, had reduced to the greatest distress: but this is not all, those 40,000,000 were for the redemption of all private property; how had this been forfeited? Was it by our unbounded patience in suffering their extortions? by the docility with which their hard and oppressive yoke was borne by the meekness with which we received our rauts? Posterity will hardly believe their impudence and immorality could ever reach such a length - The promised protection went on in this way. The patrimony of the temples, the ornaments of the sanctuary, the inheritance of its sacred ministers, were all insufficient for the insatiable thirst of the oppressor of the continent. The national dignity disappearedall public employments were given to the less informed and the less worthy, who, discountenanced in their own country, shewed amongst us a matchless effrontery, and who appeared to be influenced by the most insolent pride, and the most sordid avarice. Our I:mits prevent us from tracing the picture of the odious person styled the deputy of police in this city, it is more faithfully engraved in the moignation and remembrance of every one here. The moment of liberty was however approaching; our valourous neighbours the noble Spaniards, at length opened their eyes. The perfidious mauner in which the reigning family of Spain were betrayed, roused the vengeance of that nation; and as soon as we were able, we have shewn that we still are what we have been, and what our forefathers have been before us. the most faithful and the most loyal to our prince and the most capable of restoring his wished for empire and our liberty.-At length the evening of the 18th day of June, 1808, offered the most brilliant and pleasing scene to the generous Portuguese. These faithful and valourous men, who were strangers to fear, despised all dangers, and actuated by that energy and faithful character that distinguish our nation, erected the standard of restoration, and in the name of their religion, and in obedience to their sacred oaths, proclaimed anew the most exalted and powerful prince the lord don John, prince regent of Portugal, our lawful sovereign. In this moment of glory, however, we were surrounded by dangers: a column of the French army was marching to this city; without arms, without troops of the line, and only with two hundred artillerymen and some militia, we were in extreme danger; but we had valour and genius equal to our situation. Those who endeavoured to liberate their country, have their eulegium in their own conduct.- Cannon and ammunition had been previously obtained, the necessary dispositions had been made for the defence of the bridge, and the passage of the river Douro: all the points of defence had been reconnoitred, as also all the entrances to the city. The execution of a plan was in contemplation among the Portuguese, and they had to conquer the illusions of some, and the fear of others, and the more necessity there was for delay, the more the project was menaced with ruin. The signal for the acclamation was given and for arming; the orders were issued and executed with equal ardour in a moment; 30 artillerymen, with four field-pieces, which covered the van and rear of two bodies, of 10 men each, all that remained, prevented all opposition. The arsenals were opened, and the people took arms Some corps of the militia were for a while irresolute, owing to the unexpected circumstances which had taken place, but these were soon determined; the royal standard was displayed, and the august name of his royal highness sounded from all quarters. All the officers whom they met joined them, and took the oath of honour, which excited enthusiasm and affection: the posts were distributed, and every one was at work; the Major Raymundo José Pinheiro, commander of the fort of St. Joan de Foz, at the mouth of the river, known for his fidelity, energy, and love for our prince, concerted the most able dispositions for defence, and for directing the people. for directing the people. The enthusiasm and energy cannot be described; upwards of 50,000 persons were provided with arms and ammunition; and from that night the city was in a state of defence, and waited the enemy with impatience, but he fled.-On the morning of the 19th, the protection of the Almighty being implored, and prayers of thanksgiving having been offered up with as much piety as fervour, in the cathedral of this city, a provisional government was elec ted, composed of the most excellent and reverend Don Antonio, of St. Joseph and Castro, bishop of the diocese, president, and eight members of the different classes, viz. of ecclesiastics, Doctor Dezembargrador; provizor of the bishoprick, Manuel Lopes Loureiro; and the Doctor Dezembar◄ grador, vicar general; José Dias de Oliveira, of the military; major Ant. de Silva Pinto; and the captain commanding the artillery of the body of magestrature of the retacam, the dezembargrador José de Mello Freire; judge for the crown and the dezembargrador of Agravos, Luis de Sequeiro de Game Ayala; of the body of the citizens, Antonio Mathews Friere de Andrade, and Antonio Ribeiro Braga; in this junta the supreme authority is vested, until his royal highness shall order to the contrary, or the lawful government shall be restored in the capital; it is its duty to maintain the laws, usages, customs, and privileges of the nation, as far as they are con sistent with the present circumstances and defence of the country. The most profound mes |