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state of the question.If considered as a measure of impartial' Rostility against both belligerents, the embargo appears to his majesty to have been manifestly unjust, as, according to every principle of justice, that redress ought to have been first sought from the party originating the wrong; and his majesty cannot consent to buy off that hostility, which America ought not to have extended to him, at the expence of a concession, made not to America, but to France.--If, as it has more generally been represented by the government of the United States, the embargo is only to be considered as an innocent municipal regulation, which affects none but the United States themselves, and with which no foreign state has any concern; viewed in this light, his majesty does not conceive that he has the right or the pretension to make any complaint of it, and he has made none. But in this light, there appears not only no reciprocity, but no assignable relation between the repeal by the United States of a measure of voluntary self-restriction, and the surrender by his majesty of his right of retaliation against his enemies.-The government of the United States is not now to be informed, that the Berlin decree of November 21, 1806, was the practical commencement of an attempt, not merely to check or impair the prosperity of Great Britain, but utterly to annihilate her political existence through the ruin of her commercial prosperity; that in this attempt almost all the powers of the European continent have been compelled, more or less. to co-operate, and that the American embargo, though most assuredly not intended to that end, (for America can have no real interest in the subversion of the British power; and her rulers are too enlightened to act from any impulse against the real interests of this country): but by some unfortunate concurrence of circumstances, without any hostile intention, the American embargo did come in aid of the block. ade of the European continent, precisely at the very moment when, if that blockade could have succeeded at all, this interposition of the American government would most effectually have contributed to its success.To this universal combination, his majesty has opposed a temperate, but a determined retaliation upon the enemy, trusting that a firin resistance would defeat this project, but knowing that the smallest concession would infallibly encourage a perseverance in it. The struggle has been viewed by other powers, not without an apprehension that it might be fatal to this country. The British government has not disguised

from itself that the trial of such an experi ment might be arduous and long, though it has never doubted of the final issue. But if that issue, such as the British government confidently anticipated, has providentially arrived much sooner than could have been hoped; if" the blockade of the continent," as it has been triumphantly styled by the enemy, is raised even before it had been well established; and if that system, of which extent and continuity were the vital principles, is broken up into fragments, utterly harmless and contemptible, it is nevertheless important, in the highest degree, to the reputation of this country (a reputation which constitutes great part of her power) that this disappointment of the hopes of her enemies should not have been purchased by any concession, nor that a doubt should remain to distant times of her determination, and of her ability, to have continued her resistance, and that no step, which could even mistakenly be construed into concession, should be taken on her part, while the smallest link of the confederacy remains undissolved, or while it can be a question, whether the plan devised for her destruction has or has not either completely failed, or been unequivocally abandoned.These considerations compel his majesty b adhere to the principles on which the orders in council of the 7th January and the 11th November are founded, so long as France adheres to that system by which his majesty's retaliatory measures were occasioned and justified.It is not improbable, indeed, that some alterations may be made in the orders in council, as they are at present framed; alterations calculated, not to abate their spirit, or impair their principle, but to adapt them more exactly to the different state of things which has fortunately grown up in Europe, and to combine all practica. ble relief to neutrals, with a more severe pressure on the enemy.-But of alterations to be made with this view only, it would be uncandid to take any advantage in the present discussion; however, it might be hoped, that, in their practical effect, they might prove beneficial to America, provided the operation of the embargo were not to prevent her from reaping that benefit.—It remains for the undersigned to take notice of the last paragraph of Mr. Pinckney's letter.-There cannot exist, on the part of Mr. Pinckney, a stronger wish than there does on that of the undersigned and of the British government, for the adjustment of all the differences subsisting between the two coun. tries. His majesty has no other disposition than to cultivate the most friendly inter

restoration of a perfect good anderstanding, and that his majesty would decline no measure for the attainment that object, which should be compatible with his own honour and just rights, and with the interests of his people-The undersigned requests, &c.-(Signed) GEORGE CANNING.

PORTUGAL. Proclamation ly the Intendant-General of Police of the Court of Justice District at Oporto.

Portuguese! Where does your fury transport you? Do you suppose that the English are become French? No, my dear countrymen, the English are not come here in the character of conquerors as the Frenchmen did; they come to free us from the slavery that oppressed us. If we deny this truth, we must be reproached as an ungrate ful people. The English did not enter Portugal from any motives of ambition; the motives are more generous, wise, and politic; they know very well, that views of aggrandisement always tend to destroy the equilibrium that forms the fundamental law of nations. What Great Britain aims at, is only the restitution of all countries to their lawful sovereigns. Ah, incomparable George! How great will be thy glory in future times! Where is the sovereign in Europe that does not, at present, owe his crown to thee? Thy name shall for ever shine in the Portuguese annals Excuse, then, O mighty king! the indiscreet, zeal of a people who love their sovereign, and whose feelings are partly, analogous to thy views. Remain quiet, then, O ye inhabi

course with the United States.-The under-.] signed is persuaded that Mr. Pinckney would be one of the last to imagine, what is often idly asserted, that the depression of any other country is necessary or serviceable to the prosperity of this. The prosperity of America is essentially the prosperity of Great Britain, and the strength and power of Great Britain are not for herself only, but for the world.-When those adjustments shall take place, to which, though unfortunately not practicable at this moment, nor under the conditions prescribed by Mr. Pinckney, the undersigned, nevertheless, confidently looks forward, it will perhaps be no insecure pledge for the continuance of the good understanding between the two countries, that they will have learnt duly to appreciate each other's friendship, and that it will not hereafter be imputed to Great Britain, either, on the one hand, that she envies American industry, as prejudicial to British commerce, or, on the other hand, that she is compelled to court an intercourse with America, as absolutely necessary to her own existence. His majesty would not besitate to contribute, in any manner in his power, to restore to the commerce of the United States its wonted activity, and if it were possible to make any sacrifice for the repeal of the embargo, without appearing to depreciate it as a measure of hostility, he would gladly have facilitated its removal, as a measure of inconvenient restriction upon the American people.-The undersigned is commanded, in conclusion, to observe, that nothing is said in Mr. Pinckney's letter of any intention to repeal the proclama-tants of the most faithful and loyal city in tion by which the ships of war of Great Britain are interdicted from all these rights of hospitality in the ports of the United States, which are freely allowed to the ships of his majesty's enemies.-The continuance of an interdiction, which, under such circumstances, amounts so nearly to direct hostility, after the willingness professed, and the attempt made by his majesty to remove the cause on which that measure had been originally founded, would afford but an inauspicious omen for the commencement of a system of mutual conciliation: and the omission of any notice of that measure in the proposal which Mr. Pinckney has been instructed to bring forward, would have been of itself a material defect in the overtures of the president-But the undersigned is commanded no further to dwell upon this subject, than for the purpèse of assuring Mr. Pinckney, that on this, and every other point in discussion between the two govern. ments, his majesty earnestly desires the

Portugal! It is to you, ye inhabitants of
Porto, that I speak, for those honourable
epithets are indisputably your right. Cort-
sider that the glorious cause which you have
undertaken, can only be obstructed and re-
tarded by vain and tumultuous mobs. This
is what the common enemy wishes for; and
a civil war would only retard their total
destruction. Let us then unite ourselves to
our faithful allies, the English and the
Spaniards, in order to overthrow that hel-
lish monster. The union of these thrée
nations will scorn all Frenchmen's threats,
their intrigues and pertidy. We shall then
have the glory of being instrumental in the
speecy overthrow of the tyrant, in bringing
abour a general peace, and in restoring ou
august prince to his lawful throne. This
is be just cause that calls aloud for your
vengeance, and in which you ought to
play all your courage, your love, and your
fidelity. Long live Portugal! Lange
Great Britain! Long live Spain JERS

SPANISH REVOLUTION.-Fourteenth Bulle. tin of the French Army of Spain, dated Madrid, Dec. 5.

The 24 at noon his majesty arrived in person on the heights which impend over Madrid, on which were already placed the divisions of dragoons of generals Latour Maubourg, and Lahoussaye, and the imperial horse-quards. The anniversary of the coronation, that epoch which has signalized so many days for ever fortunate for France, awakened in all hearts the most agreeable recollections, and inspired all the troops with an enthusiasm which manifested itself in a thousand exclamations. The weather was beautiful, and like that enjoyed in France in the finest days of May. The marshal duke of Istria sent to summon the town, where a military jonta was formed, under the presidency of the marquis of Castelar, who had under his orders general Morla, captain general of Andainsia, and inspectorgeneral of artillery. The town contained a number of armed peasants, assembled from all quarters, 6000 troops of the line, and 100 pieces of cannon Sixty thousand

men were in arms. Their cries were heard on every side; the bells of two hundred churches rung altogether; and every thing presented the appearance of disorder and madness. The general of the troops of the line appeared at the advanced posts to answer the summons of the duke of Istria.

He

was accompanied by 30 men of the people, whose dress, looks, and ferocious language, recalled the recollection of the assassins of September. When the Spanish general was asked whether he meant to expose women, children, and old men to the horrors of an assanit, he manifested secretly the grief with which he was penetrated; he made known by signs, that he, as well as all the honest men of Madrid, groaned under oppression; and when he raised his voice, his words were dictated by the wretches who watched over him. No doubt could be entertained of the excess to which the tyranny of the multitude was carried when they saw him minute down all his words, and caused the record to be verified by the assassins who surrounded him. The aid-de-camp of the duke of Istria, who had been sent into the town, was seized by men of the lowest class of people, and was about to be massacred, when the troops of the line, indignant at the outrage, took him under their protection, and caused him to be restored to his general. A little time after, some deserfers from the Walloogaards came to the camp. Their depositions convinced us that the people of property, and honest men, were without

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influence; and it was to be concluded that conciliation was altogether impossible.The marquis of Perales, a reputable man, who had hitherto a peared to enjoy the confileace of the people, had been, on the day before this, accused of putting sand in the cartridges. He was immediately strangied. It was determined that all the cartridges should be re-made; 3 or 4000 mouks were employed upon this work at the Retiro. All the palaces and houses were ordered to be open to furnish provisions at discretion. The French infantry was still three leagnes from Madrid. The emperor employed the evening in recoanoitring the town, and deciding a plan of attack, consistent with the consideration dae to the great number of honest people always to be found in a great capital. At seven o'clock the division La pisse of the corps of the duke of Belluno arrived. The moon shone with a brightness that seemed to prolong the day. The em peror ordered the general of brigade, Maison, to take possession of the suburbs, and charg ed the general of brigade Lauriston to sup port him in the enterprize, with four pieces of artillery belonging to the guards.-The sharp-shooters of the 16th regiment took possession of some buildings, and, in particalar, of the grand cemetery. At the first fire, the enemy shewed as much cowirdre as he did of arrogance all the day. T doke of Belluno employed all the night in placing his artillery, in the posts markedet for the attack. At midnight, the price of Neufchatel sent to Madrid a Spanish heutenant-colonel of artillery, who had ben taken at Somosierra, and who saw with affright the obstinacy of his fellow-citizens. He took charge of the annexed letter, No. 1. On the 31, at nine in the morning, the same flag of truce returned to the headquarters with the letter, No. 2. But the general of brigade Senarinont, an officer of great merit, had already placed 30 pieces of artillery, and had commenced a very smart fire, which made a breach in the walls of the Retiro. The sharp shooters of the division of Villatte having passed the breach, their battalion followed them, and in less than a quarter of an hour 1000 men, who defended the Retiro, were knocked on the head (culbuté).—The palace of the Retiro, the important posts of the Observatory, of the porcelain manufactory, of the grand barrack, the hotel of Medina Celi, and all the outlets which had been fortified, were taken by our troops.—On another side, twenty pieces of cannon of the guards, accompanied by light troops, rew shells, and attracted the attention of the enemy by a false attack.

66

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[After a description of the disorder that reigned in Madrid, the bulletin proceeds: The enemy had more than 100 pieces of cannon mounted ; more considerable number had been dug up, taken out of cellars, and fixed upon carts, a grotesque train, and in itself sufficient to prove the madness But all of a people abandoned to itself.

means of defence were become useless. The possessors of Retiro are always masters of Madrid. The emperor took all possible care to prevent the troops from going from house to house. The city was ruined if many troops had been employed. Only some companies of sharp-shooters advanced, and the emperor constantly refused to send At eleven o'clock the any to sustain them. Prince of Neufchatel wrote the annexed letter, No. 3.-His majesty at the same time ordered the fire to cease on all points. At five o'clock on the 4th, Gen. Morla, one of the members of the military junta, and Don Bernardo Yriarte, sent from the town, repaired to the tent of the major-general. They informed him that the most intelligent persons were of opinion that the town was destitute of resources, and that the continuation of the defence would be the height of madness, but that the lower orders of the inhabitants, and the foreigners at Madrid, were determined to persevete in the defence. Convinced that they could not do it with effect, they requested a pause of a few hours to inforia the people of the real state of affairs. The major-general presented the deputies to the emperor and king, who addressed them thus:

You

As

make use of the name of the people to no purpose; if you cannot restore tranquillity and appease their minds, it is because you have excited them to revolt; you have seduced them by propagating falsehoods. semble the clergy, the heads of the convents, the alcades, the men of property and influence, and let the town capitulate by six o'clock in the morning, or it shall be destroyed. I will not, nor ought I, to withdraw my troops. You have massacred the unfortunate French prisoners who Lad fallen into your hands; only a few days ago, you suffered two persons in the suite of the Russian ambassador to be dragged along and murdered in the public streets, because they were Frenchinen born. The incapacity and cowardice of a general, had put into your power troops who surrendered on the field of battle, and the capitulation has been violated, You, Mr. Morla, what sort of au epistle did you write to that general ?— It well became you, Sir, to talk of pillage, you who, on entering Roussillon, carried

off all the women, and distributed them as booty among your soldiers !-Besides, what right had you to hold such language ?The capitulation onght to have induced you to pursue a different line of conduct: See what has been the conduct of the English, who are far from piquing them selves on being rigid observers of the law of nations. They have complained of the Convention of Portugal, but they have To violate military carried it into effect.

treaties, is to renounce all civilization it is placing generals on placing generals on a footing with the Bedouins of the desart. How dare you, then, presume to solicit a capitulation, you who violated that of Bavlen ? See how injustice and bad faith always recoil upon the guilty, and operate to their prejudice. I had a fleet at Cadiz; it was under the protection of Spain, yet you directed against it the mortars of the town where you commanded.—I had a. Spanish army in my ranks; I would rather have viewed it embark on board the English ships, or be obliged to precipitate it from the rocks of Epinosa, than to disarm it; I would rather have 7000 more enemies to fight, than be deficient in honour and good faith. Return to Madrid-I give you till six o'clock tomorrow morring-return at that houryou have only to inform me of the submission of the people-if not, you and your troops shall all be put to the sword.”—This speech of the emperor, repeated in the midst of the respectable people, the certainty that he commanded in person, the losses sustained during the foregoing day, had carried terror and repentance into all minds. During the night the most mutinoas withdrew themselves from the dahger by flight, and a part of the troops was disbanded. At ten o'clock Gen. Belliard took the command of Madrid, all the posts were put into the hands of the French, and a general pardon was proclaimed." Bulletin closes with a panegyric on the order observed by the French, in taking possession of the town, the security enjoyed by the inhabitants, and with a tirade against the English, said to have been pronounced by an aged Spaniard. The principal reproach is, that an army of 40,000 British troops had not appeared on the scene of the war at a proper period of the contest].

[The

No. 1-To the Commandant of the Town of

Madrid.

Before Madrid, Dec. 3, 1808 --The circumstances of the war having conducted the French army to the gates of Madrid, and all the dispositions being made to take possession of the town by storm, I hold it

right, and conformable to the usage of all nations, to summon you, Monsieur General, not to expose a town so important to all the horrors of an assault, not to render so many peaceful inhabitants victims of the evils of war. Wishing to omit nothing to inform you of your real situation, I send you the present summons by one of your officers who has been made prisoner, and who has had an opportunity of seeing all the means that the army has to reduce the town. Receive, Monsieur general, the assurances of my high consideration. The Major-General ALEXANDER. (Berthier).

No.2.-(In Spanish)-To his Most Serene Highness the Prince of Neufchatel. Madrid, 3d Dec. 1809.

It would be useless to proclaim to the Spanish people the great obligation they are under, to deliver themselves from the slavery which threatens them, and which is already suffered by their most amiable monarch, and the whole royal family, from the most powerful, cunning, and perfidious of tyrants. Although the continental powers of Europe, all subdued and held in great subjection, more by the subtle, sordid, and immoral policy of the tyrant, than by the force of his arms, cannot aid us directly by rebelling, or declaring war against the common oppressor, yet they assist us indirectly and passively, by engaging a great part of his arinies in the keeping in obedience some of them, and watching the others. All of them, even France herself, have their attention fixed upon Spain, hoping from its intrepid inhabitauts, liberty and in

It is indispensably incumbent upon me, most serene signior, to consult, previous to ny giving a categorical answer to your high-dependence. ness, the constituted authority of this court (esta corte), and, moreover, to ascertain the dispositions of the people as impressed by the circumstances of the day. For these purposes, I intreat your highness to grant, for this day, a suspension of arms, in order that I may comply with those duties, assuring you, that early in the inorning, or this night, I will send a general officer with my answer to your highness; assuring you, that I profess to you all the consideration due to your high rauk and merit.-MARQUIS CASTELAR,

No. 3.-To the Gen. Commanding in Madrid. Imperial Camp, before Madrid, Dec. 4, Eleven A. M.

Monsieur General Castelar,-To defend Madrid is contrary to the principles of war, and inhuman towards the inhabitants. His majesty authorises me to send you a second summons.-Immense batteries are mounted; miners are prepared to blow up your principal buildings; columns of troops are at the entrances of the town, of which some companies of sharp-shooters have made themselves masters; but the emperor, always generous in the course of his victories, suspends the attack till two o'clock. The town of Madrid ought to look for pro tection and security for its peaceable inbabitants; for its ministers; in fine, the oblivion of the past. Hoist a white flag before two o'clock, and send commissioners to treat for the surrender of the town.

As soon as the Spaniards

shall have shaken the superiority of their
opposers, not one of them will fail to take
up arms for his annihilation; because not
one of them will fail to behold his black in-
trigues laid bare and frustrated, or to com
vince himself that the terrifying opinion
hitherto entertained of his power, has been
more the effect of the artifices, of which
he has been able to seduce them, than by the
number, skill, and valour of his troops.
But upon us is imposed the duty, and to as
is reserved the glory of striking the first
blow. To us, Spaniards, Providence has
left the alternative of being the first
people of Europe, and the deliverers of
all of them, or of being the most wretched
of slaves. The general will of all has been
long pronounced, in the most solemn and
expressive manner. Almost altogether dis-
armed, our best resources dispersed and
disorganized; our marine destroyed; our
enconies masters of the capital, and of the
most important fortresses; the nation im-
poverished; social virtue despised, our man
ners corrupted, and vice enthroned, we have
in an instant recovered our ancient dignity
and character, vanquished obstacles which
could yield only to patriotic heroism.
While we believed that our public disorders
might be emphemeral, being accidental,
and produced by the blind confidence of our
sovereign, in a perverse favourite, our in-
nate loyalty obliged us to endure them with
resignation and constancy; but no sooner

Accept, Mons. Gen. &c.-The Major-Gen. did we clearly perceive, that the tyrant of ALEXANDER.

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France sought to avail himself of those disorders, in order to enslave us, as he had enslaved our sovereign-in order to entangle us in the same toils in which he had already caught Italy, Holland, Switzerland, and

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