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retired within the neutral waters of Heligoland, and the excited grief and astonishment in Denmark, and the PreDanes steered northwards. sident of the Council, Bishop Monrad, made an important statement in the lower house of the Rigsraad, on the 25th June, to the effect that Lord Russell, after having promised the Danish Government not to make or agree to any fresh proposal involving a less favourable boundary for Denmark than the line of the Schlei, had, by proposing that the question of the disputed boundary should be referred to arbitration, substantially departed from his word. Lord Palmerston, however, maintained, on behalf of his colleague, when questioned in the House of Commons on the subject, that there was no inconsistency. The Danish Government had under-estimated the fertility of Lord Russell's mind in the expedients of peaceful mediation. In former times, when England made a formal proposal for the settlement of a dispute between two nations, the world knew that if one of the two rejected the proposal, and continued to coerce its antagonist which acceded to it, England would go to war. But to Lord Russell, the rejection of one proposal, however just in itself and seriously made, was merely the signal for the framing of another, involving some concession.

The exertions of the Foreign Secretary to procure the consent of the belligerents and other great Powers to a Conference were at last crowned with a certain measure of success. Austria and Prussia agreed to the Conference but without an armistice. The first meeting was held on the 25th April, and the prime immediate object of the plenipotentiaries of the non-belligerent Powers was to obtain a suspension of hostilities. Denmark at first insisted that during the armistice her fleets should be allowed to maintain the blockade of the German ports, as an equivalent for the military occupation of the duchies; but to this the German Powers would not consent. Ultimately, Denmark, pressed by Lord Russell, consented to give up the blockade, and an armistice was arranged, to last from the 12th May to the 12th June. It is painful to trace the course of the negotiations which followed, and their complete futility may dispense us from the task of doing so at any considerable length. It soon became clear that the German Powers deemed the Treaty of 1852 to have been cancelled by the outbreak of war, and the envoy of the Diet declared that Germany would not consent to the re-union of the duchies to Denmark under any conditions whatever. Austria and Prussia proposed that Schleswig and Holstein should form an independent single state, under the sovereignty of Prince Frederic of Augustenburg; but such a solution the Danish plenipotentiaries declared to be wholly inadmissible. Lord Russell then brought forward the English proposal, which was that Holstein, Lauenburg, and the southern part of Schleswig, as far as the Schlei and the line of the Dannewerke, should be separated from the Danish monarchy. This arrangement, to the principle of which the Danish plenipotentiaries acceded, would have left Denmark in possession of about three-fourths of the duchy of Schleswig. The negotiations being now placed upon the basis of a partition of territory, the neutral Powers obtained with great difficulty the extension of the armistice from the 12th to the 26th June. Austria and Prussia agreed to a partition, but insisted that the line of demarcation should be traced from Apenrade to Tondern, thus leaving less than half of the duchy to Denmark, and depriving her of the purely Danish island of Alsen. Denmark would not yield this, and Prussia and Austria would concede no more. On the 18th June, eight days before the expiration of the armistice, Lord Russell proposed that the question of boundary should be referred to the arbitration of a friendly Power, but to this neither belligerent would consent. Finally, the French plenipotentiary proposed that the method of plébiscite, or popular vote, should be resorted to, and that the votes of the communes in Schleswig should be taken on the question whether they preferred continued union with Denmark or separation. The Danish envoy, M. de Quaade, positively negatived this proposal, which was also exceeding unpleasing to Austria, in whose Italian dominions the application of the principle of the plébiscite would have instantly terminated her rule. Thus the debates of the Conference came to an end, having produced ro result. The conduct of Great Britain

The remainder of this melancholy history may be told in a few words. Hostilities recommenced, and on the 29th June the Prussians forced their way across the narrow sound which divides the island of Alsen from the mainland, and stormed with great gallantry the field works that had been thrown up on the opposite shore. The contest was bloody, and so infuriated had the feelings of the combatants by this time become, that there were several regiments on both sides, the men of which, when it came to hand-to-hand fighting, gave no quarter. The Prussians carried the position, but the greater part of the Danes made good their escape out of the island. The strong fortress of Fredericia had previously been abandoned; the Prussians were preparing to cross to Fiinen; and now nothing remained for the Danes, isolated as they were and without hope of aid, but to submit. Negotiations were immediately opened at Vienna, and on the 1st August the preliminaries of peace were signed, and embodied in the following October in a formal treaty-the Treaty of Vienna. Denmark ceded Schleswig, Holstein, and Lauenburg, without reserve, to the Emperor of Austria and King of Prussia. Though thus compelled to ratify her own spoliation, the brave little kingdom came out of the struggle with honour, and with an undiminished right to the respect of Europe: it were much to be wished that of all the neutral Powers that looked on and did nothing the same could be said.

An incident, ominous of the strife which was soon to cover Germany with contending armies, occurred at Rendsburg in the middle of July. A quarrel having broken out there between some Prussian and Saxon soldiers, Prince Frederic Charles marched a strong body of Prussian troops into the place and turned out the Saxons. General von Hake, the commander of the execution troops, protested against this insult; the Saxon Chambers took up the matter with great heat, and Baron Beust, the Saxon Premier, delivered a reply which, under its guarded

Lieut.

A.D. 1864.]

CONVENTION BETWEEN FRANCE AND ITALY.

phrases, betrayed extreme irritation on the part of his Government. The Lower House then passed the following resolution :-"The Second Chamber, in conjunction with the Upper Chamber, declares that the occupation of Rendsburg by Prussian troops, effected by abuse of an overwhelming force, is a violation of the rights of the German Confederation, and an outrage upon the honour of the German Federal troops. The Chamber protests against this act of violence on the part of a German Federal Power."

Austria and Prussia having now entered into full possession of the conquered territory, acted together for some time in considerable harmony. By a convention, dated the 16th January, 1864, it had been agreed between them that, if war arose in Schleswig, and treaty engagements came to an end, the future condition of the duchies should be established only by way of mutual understanding. One Austrian and two Prussian brigades were left in the duchies, for the civil government of which two commissioners were appointed-Von Lederer (soon succeeded by Baron Halbhuber) by Austria, and Von Zedlitz by Prussia. The government was to be in common, and its seat the city of Schleswig. The execution forces were now withdrawn from Holstein by a decree of the Diet. Count Rechberg, the Austrian Minister for Foreign Affairs, was replaced about this time by Count Mensdorff. A difference of opinion soon manifested itself between the occupying Powers in regard to the proposal which they had jointly made at the London Conference, favourable to the hereditary claims of the Prince of Augustenburg. Austria still desired that the duchies should be disposed of in that way, but such an arrangement no longer suited the expanding views of the Count von Bismarck. He was resolved that Prussia should be great by sea as well as by land, and for this end the fine harbour of Kiel was a valuable and indispensable acquisition. Availing himself, therefore, of the fact, that a claim had been, since the Conference, put forward by the Grand Duke of Oldenburg, in whose favour (as the arrangements of the Treaty of 1852 had fallen through) the Emperor of Russia had lately renounced his reversionary interest in the Gottorp portion of Schleswig,-and of the further fact, that a very small minority of the population of the duchies had petitioned that they might be annexed to Prussia,-Bismarck declined to take any step tending to favour the succession of the Prince of Augustenburg. The wishes of the vast majority of the German population of the duchies were on the Prince's side, but that trifling circumstance made no impression whatever on Bismarck. The Diet, in December, took into consideration a motion to regulate the succession in the duchies by its sole authority, but the Prussian minister quickly informed the Courts of Dresden and Munich that no such interference would be permitted. At the same time (December 13, 1864) he hinted, in a despatch to Vienna, that the annexation of the duchies to Prussia, though not to be carried out except with the assent of Austria, would be highly advantageous to German interests, and not detrimental to those of Austria. Count Mensdorff replied in a despatch which, surreptitiously conveyed to

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the Berlin papers, did infinite damage to the reputation of Austria. Instead of taking a high tone, as he might so easily have done, Count Mensdorff said that Austria would only assent to the incorporation of the duchies with Prussia upon an equivalent augmentation of her own German territory being guaranteed to her." Such an augmentation could not be made except at the expense of some existing German state, which would have to be despoiled for the purpose; it seemed, therefore, that Austria was even less scrupulous than Prussia, for the rights of the Prince of Augustenburg, however well grounded they might be, had never yet been translated into actual possession.*

By keeping a French corps in the Roman territory, the Emperor of the French knew that he gave continual umbrage to the Liberal sentiment of Europe; he was therefore anxious to withdraw his troops, yet so that Rome should be left secure from attack, whether from the Italian Government or the partisans of the Revolution. Thus arose the famous Convention between France and Italy of the 15th September, 1864, the principal articles of which were these:-1. Italy engaged not to attack the territory then belonging to the Pope, and to prevent, even by force, every attack on that territory from without. 2. France undertook to withdraw her troops from the Pontifical States in proportion as the Pope's army should be organised; but the evacuation was, under any circumstances, to be completed within the space of two years. 3. The Italian Government engaged to raise no protest against the organisation of a Papal army, even if composed of foreign volunteers, sufficient to maintain the Pope's authority and tranquillity as well in the interior as upon the frontier of his states, provided always that this force should not degenerate into a means of attack against the Italian Government. 4. Florence was to be substituted for Turin as the capital. This last stipulation was insisted on by the French Emperor, because it was evident to all that the capital of the Italian kingdom could not much longer remain at Turin-a city exposed on two sides to a sudden invasion across the Alps; if, then, it were once removed to the other side of the Apennines and fixed at Florence, not at Rome, he calculated that there it would probably remain, and that the ardent longing for Rome, as the natural and necessary capital of Italy, would gradually fade away from the Italian heart. Thus only, he considered, was it possible to reconcile the urgent claim of French Catholics, that the Pope should be protected, with the political and military necessity which compelled the Italians to seek a more central position for their capital. But in the Italian intellect the Emperor encountered an adversary not less tenacious, not less wily, than himself, and endowed besides with a swift, flashing audacity which was foreign to his own character. The Italians thought it a clear gain that the French eagles should be withdrawn from their soil, and trusted to the chapter of accidents to bring them to Rome at last. Cialdini, in an eloquent speech to the

It was afterwards alleged that Count Mensdorff had in his mind the county of Glatz in Silesia.

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had hitherto accrued to their city from being the seat of Government, broke out into open rioting; the troops had to be called out, and several lives were lost before the tumult was quelled.

CHAPTER IX.

American Civil War in 1864: Battle of Olustee: Federal Failures in Louisiana and Arkansas: Grant takes the Command in Virginia; He crosses the Rapidan: Battles of the "Wilderness" and Spotsylvania Court House: Terrible Slaughtor: Death of Stuart:

Fighting on the North Anna: Battle of Cold Harbour: Grant transfers his Army to the South of the James River: Fruitless Assault on Petersburg: End of the Campaign: Inexhaustible Resources of the North: Early Invades Maryland; Menaces Washington; Is twice Defeated by Sheridan: Devastation of the Shenandoah Valley by Sheridan's Order: Sherman Advances into Georgia: Fall of Atlanta: Hood Invades Tennessee; Repulsed from Nashville: Sherman's Great March: Fall of Savannah :

The Alabama and the Kearsarge: Capture of the Mobile Forts by

Farragut: The Florida at Babia: The St. Albans Raid: Constitutional Amendment Abolishing Slavery: Re-election of Mr.

nary as it proceeded; in this year we hear of the massacre of prisoners, of fights in which no quarter was given, of the burning of villages and farms, of the ruthless destruction and wholesale plunder of property. Mr. Lincoln and Mr. Seward erected the preservation of the Union into a religion, and did not fear to characterise those who sought to dissolve it as the "enemies of the human race"! Naturally, therefore, they made it a point of duty to wade through seas of blood and stride over wide-spread ruin to their object. On the other hand, this frightful pertinacity maddened the Confederates, and infused a spirit of vengeful fury into their resistance, so long as any resistance was possible.

In the outlying portions of the vast territory over which the war raged, the events of the year were, upon the whole, unfavourable to the Federals. In an attempt, made in February, to overrun and recover Florida for the Union, General Seymour was defeated (February 20), with heavy loss, by the Confederate General Finnegan, at

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reach and capture Shreveport, a place of considerable im- in the spring, from Little Rock, the capital of the statein complete failure. The Confederate General Kirby expedition to Camden, a town near the Louisiana border. portance in the north-western corner of the state, resulted which he had captured in the previous September on an Smith attacked Banks' army while its divisions were But a portion of his force being defeated and compelled scattered at Sabine Cross Roads (April 8), and defeated to surrender at Mark's Mill (April 25), Steele retreated, it with heavy loss in guns and prisoners. Banks fell not without considerable difficulty, to Little Rock; the back on Grand Ecore, repulsing his pursuers with loss at greater portion of the state was recovered by the Con Pleasant Hill, and thence on Alexandria; ultimately he federates, and the attempts at a Union organisation, retired to Simmsport, a place not many miles from the which the success of the previous year had encouraged, Mississippi. Admiral Porter, who had worked his fleet were nipped in the bud. In Missouri, on the other hand, of gun-boats up the Red river to within a short distance in spite of a last and very daring inroad by General

of Shreveport, was

compelled, on hearing of Banks'

Price, the Federal hold of the state remained unshaken;

yet, on the whole, the Confederates west of the Mississippi were stronger at the end of the year than they had been at the beginning.

The Army of the Potomac was entrusted this year to General Grant, who was nominated by the President, on the 1st March, Lieutenant-General of the Armies of the United States, a dignity hitherto accorded only to George Washington. What emphatically recommended General Grant both to the President and to Congress-notwithstanding his civilian training and frequent serious mistakes in strategy-was his "utter disbelief in the efficacy of any rose-water treatment of the rebellion."* His policy, agreeing with that of Mr. Lincoln himself, was to wear out the Confederacy by continual and simultaneous attacks in every quarter, to give them no rest either winter or summer, and thus to make the utmost possible use of the great advantage possessed by the Federals in their practically unbounded resources in men and material, and to impede the Confederates as much as possible in the use of the advantage which they possessed-that of moving on interior and shorter lines of communication. He was determined-to use his own words in his final report on the war-"to hammer continuously against the armed force of the enemy and his resources, until by mere attrition, if in no other way, there should be nothing left to him but" submission. He assumed the command of the army, which, however, still remained under the immediate direction of Meade, early in March, and devoted the rest of that month and the whole of April to a careful re-organisation, massing his entire force, amounting to about 100,000 men, in three corps, under Generals Hancock, Warren, and Sedgwick. Lee also had re-formed his far inferior army into three corps, under Hill, Ewell, and Longstreet. When all was ready, Meade was ordered to cross the Rapidan, and enter the "Wilderness "—a tract of broken table-land densely covered with dwarfish timber and bushes, which lies to the west of Chancellorsville. His columns crossed the river without opposition, and moving to their right were about to emerge from the tangled broken country, when Lee, who had drawn up his army outside the western border of the Wilderness, vigorously attacked and checked their progress. The battle raged with various success through the 5th and 6th of May; but, about sun-down on the 6th, a sudden Confederate charge broke the Federal right, and led to the capture of several thousand prisoners. The total losses in the two days' battle were on the Federal side, nearly 20,000 men, of whom some 6,000 were taken prisoners; on that of the Confederates, according to their own estimate, only 8,000. General Longstreet was severely wounded in this battle.

On the next day (May 7), as Lee did not attack, Grant resolved to resume his march upon Richmond, and pushed his columns in a southerly direction through the Wilderness into the open country round Spotsylvania Court House. Here he found Lee posted in a position of considerable strength, fortified by earthworks and

• Greeley

abattis. During four days (May 8, 9, 10, and 12), there was continual fighting round Spotsylvania, with frightful carnage. On the first day, General Sedgwick, while placing his guns, and bantering some of his men who winced at the singing of Confederate bullets, was struck in the face by the ball from a sharp-shooter's rifle and fell dead. The command of his corps was given to General Wright. Grant wrote to the War Department, on the 11th May, declaring that the result of six days' heavy fighting was much in his favour (which was only true in the sense that he could better afford to lose two men than the Confederates one), and ending: "I propose to fight it out on this line if it takes all summer.” The Federal losses round Spotsylvania again amounted to nearly 20,000 men. After the action on the 12th, several days of marching and counter-marching ensued, Grant endeavouring, but without success, to find a weak place in the Confederate lines. On the 21st, he withdrew his army by its left in a south-easterly direction, and marched upon the North Anna, a stream which, when joined by the South Anna, forms the river Pamunkey. Meantime, General Butler, commanding at Fortress Munroe, had advanced with 30,000 men up the James river towards Richmond, which he hoped to find feebly defended. Both he and Grant were aided in their movements by the operations of a powerful cavalry, now far more numerous and well appointed than the Confederate horsemen, whose brilliant raids had carried consternation far across the Federal border in the earlier years of the war. Stuart himself, the best cavalry officer on the Confederate side, had fallen mortally wounded at Yellow Tavern, near Richmond, on the 11th May, while resisting, with far inferior numbers, the attack of a large cavalry force under the command of General Sheridan. But Beauregard was summoned up from Charleston, the attack on which had been turned into a blockade, to oppose Butler, and attacking him at Proctor's Creek (May 16), on the James river, forced him to retreat.

When Grant reached the North Anna, he found the ever-watchful Lee confronting him again in a strong position to the south of that river. Two days' fighting (May 23, 24) ensued; after which, perceiving the impossibility of forcing the Confederate entrenchments without a loss which even the Federal armies could not afford, Grant again withdrew by his left, and moved towards the Chickahominy. Lee, moving on a shorter line, had time to post himself at Cold Harbour, north of the river, before the Federals could reach it. His position was naturally strong, and he knew how to make the most of its advantages. "No other American has ever so thoroughly appreciated and so readily seized the enormous advantage which the increased range, precision, and efficiency given to musketry by rifling have insured to the defensive, when wielded by a commander who knows how speedily a trench may be dug and a slight breastwork thrown up, which will stop nine-tenths of the bullets that would otherwise draw blood." Yet, if Grant was to reach Richmond on this line, he must force Lee's position, and the attempt was accordingly made. The Federals came on bravely and swiftly, but were as swiftly

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