A.D. 1863.] FRENCH MOVEMENTS IN MEXICO. pying a portion of the Mexican sea-board, to obtain a material guarantee for the redress of the wrongs of which their subjects had to complain. Whether this was done by the Government of Juarez (who was then President), or by any other Government, was a matter of perfect indifference to England and Spain. But the French commissioner-evidently with an eye to the eventual introduction of an imperial régime-refused, on the plea of perverseness, renewed outrages, and general impracticability, to hold any communication with the Juarez Government. The commencement of a split was here visible. However, the English and Spanish commissioners, Sir Charles Wyke and General Prim, opened negotiations with the Government of Juarez. But there was a certain General Almonte in the French camp, who was well known as a promoter of the scheme for substituting imperial for republican institutions. The Mexican Government required that Almonte should be sent away; but to this the French commissioner refused to consent. A conference between the commissioners of the Allied Powers and others to be deputed by the Mexican Government, to meet at Orizaba, in April, was agreed to by Prim and Sir Charles Wyke, but rejected by the French commissioner, who insisted that, instead of negotiating with Juarez, the proper course for the Allies was to march at once upon Mexico. Hereupon Prim and Sir Charles Wyke, finding that their views and those of their col. league were irreconcilable, withdrew on the part of their respective Governments from the expedition. General Lorencez, at the head of the French expeditionary corps, then advanced towards Mexico. At Puebla, the gates of which he expected would be opened to him, he met with A vigorous resistance from the Mexican army (May 5, 1862), commanded by General Zaragoza. The French sustained a severe check, and were compelled to fall back upon Orizaba. Here Marquez, a general of the Church party, joined Lorencez at the head of 2,500 men. It was not, however, deemed advisable to attempt a fresh advance until a reinforcement of troops had been obtained from France. This the French Emperor, on learning of the repulse at Puebla, hastened to send, appointing General Forey to the command in Mexico, and dispatching him across the Atlantic with 2,500 fresh troops. Forey landed at Vera Cruz about the end of September; but nothing more was effected that year. The Emperor, at least in words, was careful to disclaim all appearance of dictation to the Mexican people as to their choice of a Government; but the honour and interests of France required an intervention in the affairs of that Republic; and if, under the shelter of that intervention, the respectable portion of Mexican society chose to adopt monarchical institutions, so much the better for all parties. In his letter of instructions to General Forey, the Emperor concludes thus:-" At present, therefore, our military honour engaged, the necessities of our policy, the interests of our industry and commerce, all conspire to make it our duty to march on Mexico, boldly to plant our flag there, and to establish either a monarchy, if not incompatible with the national feeling, or at least a Government which may promise some stability." 59 Early in March, General Santa Anna-who had been President of Mexico during the war with the United States, in 1847-8, and who doubtless believed that the establishment of a strong central Government, under French protection, was the most likely mears of securing his country from future insult and dismemberment on the part of the Americans-landed at Vera Cruz (he had been many years an exile), and declared his adhesion to the French policy. The army had already commenced its march; Puebla was soon reached, and besieged in form. On the 29th March, Fort San Xavier, one of its principal defences, was attacked and taken by assault. For the first time," says General Forey," the Mexicans felt the points of our bayonets; they gave way before the impetuosity of our attack." Puebla surrendered on the 18th May, under rather extraordinary circumstances. General Ortega, who commanded the garrison, as the supplies of the place had begun to run short, proposed to capitulate, but on condition that the garrison should be allowed to leave with all the honours of war, and with arms, baggage, and artillery to withdraw to Mexico. General Forey refused to listen to this, and sent word in reply that the garrison might leave with all the honours of war, but that they must march past the French army and lay down their arms, remaining prisoners of war. "These proposals," says General Forey in his despatch, "were not accepted by General Ortega, who, in the night between the 16th and 17th May, disbanded his command, destroyed their weapons, spiked his guns, blew up the powder magazines, and sent me an envoy to say that the garrison had completed its defence, and surrendered at discretion. It was scarcely daylight, when 12,000 men, most of them without arms or uniforms, which they had cast away in the streets, surrendered as prisoners; and the officers, numbering from 1,000 to 1,200, of whom twenty-six were generals and 200 superior officers, informed me that they awaited my orders at the Palace of the Government.” 66 There was no more serious resistance after the fall of Puebla, on the defence of which the Government of Juarez had expended all its resources, and in attempting to relieve which the Mexican General Comonfort had been defeated on the 13th May. Juarez withdrew to San Luis de Potosi, and, on the 10th June, the French army entered Mexico, the capital. The throne of Montezuma was now at the disposal of the conqueror, if indeed on that volcanic soil, mined by revolutionary passions and disintegrated by the convulsions of forty years, the erection of a throne were possible. A provisional Government (June 24) was first established, which took measures to convene an "Assembly of Notables." This assembly composed of 215 members, taken, we are told, indiscriminately from all classes, though it is not likely that any very influential friends of republican institutions were among them-was requested to deliberate and determine what form of government ought to be definitively established in Mexico; the vote on the question to unite at least two-thirds of their suffrages. On the 10th July, the Assembly resolved that Mexico should adopt monarchical institutions, and that the imperial crown (never worn since the short and troubled reign of Iturbide) should be offered to the Archduke Maximilian of Austria, brother of the Emperor Francis Joseph. In the event of his refusal to accept the crown, the Emperor of the French was requested to select a candidate for the imperial dignity. A deputation of Notables visited the Archduke Maximilian (October 3, 1863) at his villa of Miramar, near Trieste, and offered him the imperial crown. Maximilian hesitated; and well he might. For although there was no Mexican army remaining which could withstand the French invaders in the field, aroused by the invader of our soil, are sentiments common to all the Mexican people." Nor was the language of M. Doblado, a moderate Liberal, and a man highly respected, who had lately been a rival of Juarez in the contest for the Presidential chair, less outspoken. "The question of party," he said, "exists no more. Henceforth must disappear, along with political animosities, all the deplorable party designations to which our civil wars have given rise. In the bloody struggle upon which we have entered, there are now only two camps-Mexicans and Frenchmen-invaders and invaded." It was evident yet the principle of resistance was tenaciously upheld by a large section of the population, and the aversion of the people of the United States to this forcible conversion of their republican neighbour to imperial sentiments was no secret to any one. On the very day on which the French entered Mexico, Juarez published a proclamation, dated from San Luis de Potosi, which breathed nothing but defiance. "Concentrated on one point," he said, "the enemy will be weak on all others; if he divides his forces, he will be weak everywhere. He will find himself compelled to acknowledge that the Republic is not shut up in the towns of Mexico and Puebla; that life-the consciousness of right and power, the love of independence and democracy, the noble pride that for a long time to come monarchy would not be secure in Mexico without active aid from France. But might that aid be certainly counted upon? The opposi tion in the French legislative body had just been recruited by the accession of some of the ablest politicians and debaters in the country-M. Thiers among the number; the war in America might shortly come to an end; was it so certain that in the face of opposition at home, and ill-will, if not hostility, on the part of the United States, the French Emperor would continue his intervention in Mexico for the time that the circumstances required? Poor Maximilian-a Hapsburg, and the brother of a legitimate sovereign-could perhaps hardly realise the full bearing of the truth, that in the case of a ruler who has come to power by such means as those employed by Louis Napoleon, the interest of the conservation of his dynasty will always override every other consideration. But he hesitated, as has been said; and made his acceptance of the crown conditional on its being tendered to bim in pursuance of a truly popular vote, and secured by European guarantees. For the time nothing more could be done. In Mexico, the French arms were everywhere triumphant; Juarez was driven from San Luis de Potosi, and his principal bands broken up or weakened by deser 61 ness in bribing, coaxing, mystifying, or browbeating the native rulers whose kingdoms he traversed, reached the shore of a vast lake, to which he gave the name of Victoria Nyanza, and seen the White Nile flowing out at its northern end, in the direction of Gondokoro. Captain Speke too hastily assumed that he had found the true source of the Nile in the Victoria Nyanza, just as, nearly a hundred years ago, Bruce was convinced that he stood at the fountain head of the great river, when he had merely traced up the lesser current of the Blue Nile. tion, while General Comonfort was killed in action. The provisional Government, sitting in the capital, was named the Regency; it had a triumvirate at its head, consisting of General Almonte, General Salas, and the Archbishop of Mexico. Thus for Mexico ended the year 1863. From the mysterious central lands of Africa information of the most interesting character came this year to England, being communicated by the enterprising travellers Captain Speke and Captain Grant, who landed at Southampton on the 17th June, and five days afterwards received a public welcome at a special meeting of the Royal Geographical Society. Starting from Zanzibar, and penetrating the country in a north-westerly direction, Captain Speke had, though with incredible difficulty, and through the exertion of wonderful patience and adroit We now know that the Nile runs out of another large lake, the Albert Nyanza of Sir Samuel Baker, the overflow of the Victoria Nyanza; but all the sources of the Nile are to this day wrapped in mystery, and will remain so till the entire hydrographic basin of the Albert Nyanza has been explored, for the Lualaba, which Livingstone believed to be the true Nile, is now known to be really identical with the Congo. Captain Speke, though one of the best-hearted of men, was rather too much disposed to self-assertion and the magnifying of his own discoveries; and this led to unpleasant controversy between him and other African explorers, such as Captain Burton. A day had been fixed, in the autumn of 1864, for a discussion between him and Burton on the question of the Nile sources, before a meeting of the British Association at Bath, when a sudden and lamentable accident put a period to the explorer's career. He was shooting in Neston Park, in Wiltshire; and from the posture in which the body was found, he appeared to have been getting over a low stone wall, when by some mischance his gun exploded while the muzzle was pointed at his breast. The charge entering his body passed completely through, severing the main arteries of the chest, lacerating the lungs, and passing close to the heart. Death ensued in a few minutes. CHAPTER VI. Course of Events in 1864-Pacific Temper of the Nation-Opening of Parliament-Birth of an Heir to the Prince of Wales: Speech of Lord Derby on the event-Sterility of the Debates in this Session -Sentiments of Mr. Cobden-Mr. Gladstone's Financial Statement: Elasticity of the Revenue: Application of the SurplusMr. Stansfeld, Junior Lord of the Admiralty, named in connec tion with Plots against the Emperor Napoleon's Life: Discussion of the matter in Parliament: He resigns Office-Mr. Disraeli moves a Vote of Censure on the Government: it is rejected by a narrow majority-Mr. Gladstone's remarks on the Extension of the Suffrage-Resignation of Mr. Lowe-Convocation passes a Synodical Judgment on "Essays and Reviews." Speech of the Lord Chancellor on the Judgment: Reply of the Bishop of Oxford-Prorogation of Parliament-Visit of Garibaldi to England: He arrives at Southampton: His reception in London: at very year, indulging in what Mr. Disraeli calls "heedless rhetoric," spoke of us as a "fierce and combative nation;" but the commercial classes, which now form the immense majority of the English nation, are so long as trade prospers-of an imperturbably pacific temper. One or two members only-notably Lord Grey-raised their voices in Parliament to advocate the course which the England of our fathers and grandfathers would certainly have adopted. But the suggestion was received either with blank silence or with disapproval. But of the manifestation of this modern temper, with reference to the famous question of Schleswig-Holstein, it is not yet our purpose to speak. For the present we shall confine ourselves to the narration of such events in our domestic history for the year as require to be recorded. The session of Parliament was opened by commission on the 4th of February. In the royal speech Her Majesty expressed her confidence that Parliament would sympathise with her in her gratitude to the Almighty on account of the Princess of Wales having given birth to a son, "an event which has called forth from her faithful people renewed demonstrations of devoted loyalty and attachment to her person and family." The speech mentioned the recent invasion of Schleswig-Holstein by the forces of Prussia and Austria, and the subject was soon the Crystal Palace-Death of the Duke of Newcastle: Sketch of after taken up and keenly debated in Parliament; but his Career; and of that of Mr. Senior-The Shakespeare Tercentenary: Speech of Professor Max Müller-Progress of Rationalism: Sentence on Dr. Rowland Williams and Mr. Wilson -Arguments on the Claim of Bishop Gray to Metropolitan Jurisdiction over the See of Natal-Speech of Mr. Disraeli at Oxford on Clerical Rationalists. we have already expressed our intention of reserving this whole matter for a future chapter. In the debate on the address, Lord Derby adverted, with that felicity of phrase for which he was notorious, to the birth of an heir to the Prince of Wales. "At this THE year 1864 was for England as uneventful as the time last year," he said, "we offered our humble conyears which preceded and followed it. The course of gratulations to Her Majesty on the auspicious marriage peaceful industry and the accumulation of wealth went of the heir to the throne with a Princess every way on undisturbed, and the gradual abatement of the distress qualified to share the high destiny reserved for him, and in Lancashire diffused a general feeling of relief and whose personal beauty and attractions, and the natural satisfaction. The revenue was found to display that and unaffected charm of whose manner, secured for her, wonderful elasticity which Mr. Gladstone, the wizard of from the first moment of her entrance into this kingdom, financiers, seemed to possess a spell for infallibly endow the admiration and, I may say, the affection of her ing it with. True, an ancient ally of England, the adopted country. On this occasion we have to congratuintegrity of whose territory we were bound by treaty to late Her Majesty and the nation on the happy issue of maintain, was this year violently assailed by two of the that marriage, in the birth of an heir to the throne in the grea Powers, and despoiled of nearly one half of his second generation; and although, my lords, happily for dominions. In former times the outrage would inevitably this country monarchical institutions are so firmly estabhave led to war, or, at least, to the menace of war. The lished in the hearts and affections of the people, and their regal England of the Middle Ages, the aristocratic Eng- attachment to them has been so strengthened by the land of the reign of Anne and the first two Georges, the private virtues and personal qualities of the illustrious England of the country gentlemen in the days of the lady who occupies the throne, that it is not with us, as it great Napoleon, all agreed in considering the honour of might be with other countries, a subject of additional the nation (as they understood it) worth fighting for to congratulation that we thereby obtain greater stability for the death. But the commercial England of the nine- the throne, or greater security for the dynasty, yet we teenth century has changed all that; and reprobating may be permitted to rejoice at the prospect we have the Quixotic. rashness of English ministries in the old before us of a direct line of succession from the present times, who often took great pains to protect weak states, illustrious wearer of the crown and her immediate decurb the ambition of arbitrary princes, and preserve the scendants-from a sovereign who has done so much to balance of power, it seems to have become the recognised cast a lustre on that crown, and also to strengthen the opinion that war is altogether too serious a matter to be hold which monarchical institutions have upon this nation. embarked upon with a "light heart," or without good and... I am sure there is not one of your lordships sufficient reason. Mr. Cobden, in the debates of this who does not offer up a fervent prayer to the Throne of A.D. 1864.] MR. STANSFELD'S CONNECTION WITH MAZZINI. Grace that that bright prospect may remain unclouded, and that, long after the youngest of your lordships has passed away from this scene, the throne of these realms may be occupied by the descendants of the illustrious Prince and of his new-born heir Et nati natorum, et qui nascentur ab illis." In the course of this session many measures of political or social reform-the Ballot, the reduction of the County Franchise, the abolition of Church Rates and of Tests, the Permissive Bill-were introduced into Parliament and discussed, but in no single instance were they carried. Sterility attended all the legislative throes of our political assemblies. Nor are the debates on foreign affairs either pleasant or profitable reading; for in the midst of much acrimonious criticism of the proceedings of the Ministry, the general result comes out clearly, that the critics, had they been in the place of the Government, would have pursued substantially the same policy. Thus, although Mr. Cobden, in his speech on the resolution brought in by Mr. Disraeli censuring the foreign policy of the Government, severely blamed the proceedings of Lord Russell with reference to Schleswig-Holstein, the grounds of his censure were, not that we had disregarded treaties, or broken faith with Denmark, but that we had laboured so much as we had done to maintain the former and preserve the latter. Mr. Cobden expressed the genuine commercial spirit when he asked, "What was this Treaty of 1852, of which so much was heard? A few gentlemen sat around a table, and decreed the destinies of nations which were not consulted in the matter." Similarly, the cautious and pacific temper of the man of business, so strikingly contrasted with the temper of the senators and statesmen which in former times inspired our policy, appeared in the review which he took of the British army and navy, dispersed about the world, and engaged in the protection of our colonies; thence inferring that to engage in a war with any of the great Continental Powers would be for England attended with extreme difficulty and expense. And the same prudential spirit appeared, in various degrees, to animate the great majority of our public men. When the notions of a bygone age prevailed, England was not wont to count the cost so narrowly. It is not our business to decide which of these two policies is best calculated to subserve the interests of the country, or is the most just and rational in itself. On the one hand, the men of the past plunged us into ruinous expense; on the other, the commercial school, though they have saved our money, have lowered-so it is urged-our character and prestige in Europe. The course of events in Europe during the next fifty years can form the only adequate criterion to guide, on this important question, the judgment of the philosophic historian. The financial statement of Mr. Gladstone was again, among all the domestic transactions of the session, the chief point of attraction. His expectations of buoyancy and expansion in the revenue, as a consequence of that very reduction in fiscal burdens which ostensibly tended to diminish it, were again remarkably verified. On a comparison of the revenue with the expenditure of the 63 past year, it appeared that there was a surplus of In course of the discussions on the Navy Estimates, a |