portions of the then province of Louisiana. In this controversy, the compromise was sustained and carried entirely by the Democratic Senators and members from the Southern and slave-holding States aided and sanctioned by the Executive, and it was opposed by fifteen Senators from nonslave-holding States, who represented the opposite side on the political questions of the day. It passed the House by a close vote of 86 to 82. It has been seriously questioned since whether this act was constitutional. The real struggle was political, and for the balance of power. For a while it threatened the total overthrow of all political parties upon principle, and the substitution of geographical parties discriminated by the slave line, and thus destroying the proper action of the Federal government, and leading to a separation of the States. It was a federal movement, accruing to the benefit of that party, and at first carried all the Northern democracy in its current, giving the supremacy to their ." adversaries. When this effect was perceived, democrats from the northern non slave-holding States took early opportunity to prevent their own overthrow, by voting for the admission of the States on any terms, and thus prevent the eventual separation of the States in the establishment of geographical parties divided by a slavery and anti-slavery line.

de facto, as the legitimate government for us: to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy; meeting, in all instances, the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries from none. But in regard to these continents, circumstances are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor can any one believe, that our southern brethren, if left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition, in any form, with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength and resources of Spain and those new governments, and their distance from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves, in the hope that other powers will pursue the same course." The second election of Monroe, in 1820, was accomplished without a contest. Out of 231 electoral votes, but one was cast against him, and that for John Quincy Adams. Mr. Tompkins, the candidate for Vice-President, was only a little less fortunate, there being 14 scattering votes against him. Neither party, if indeed there was a Federalist party left made any nominations.

The Missouri Compromise. The second session of the 17th Congress opened on the 4th day of March, 1820, with James Monroe at the head of the Executive Department of the Government, and the Democratic party in the majority in both branches of the Federal Legislature. The Cabinet at that time was composed of the most brilliant minds of the country, indeed as most justly remarked by Senator Thomas H. Benton in his published review of the events of that period, it would be difficult to find in any government, in any country, at any time, more talent and experience, more dignity and decorum, more purity of private life, a larger mass of information, and more addiction to business, than was comprised in the list of celebrated names then constituting the executive department of the government. The legislative department was equally impressive. The exciting and agitating question then pending before Congress was on the admission of the State of Missouri into the Federal Union, the subject of the issue being the attempted tacking on of conditions restricting slavery within her limits. She was admitted without conditions under the so-called compromise, which abolished it in certain

The year 1820 marked a period of finan cial distress in the country, which soon became that of the government. The army was reduced, and the general expenses of the departments cut down, despite which measures of economy the Congress deemed it necessary to authorize the President to contract for a loan of five million dollars. Distress was the cry of the day; relief the general demand, the chief demand coming from debtors to the Government for public lands purchased under the then credit system, this debt at that time aggregating twenty-three millions of dollars. The banks failed, money vanished, instalments were coming due which could not be met; and the opening of Congress in November, 1820, was saluted by the arrival of memorials from all the new States praying for the relief to the purchaser of the public lands. The President referred to it in his annual message of that year, and Congress passed a measure of relief by changing the system to cash sales instead of credit, reducing the price of the lands, and allowing present debtors to apply payments already made to portions of the land purchased, relinquishing the remainder. Applications were made at that time for the establishment of the preemptive system, but without effect; the new States continued to press the question and finally prevailed, so that now the preemptive principle has become a fixed part

of our land system, permanently incorpo- | Road, which passed both houses of Congress, rated with it, and to the equal advantage met with a veto from President Monroe, of the settler and the government.

The session of 1820-21, is remarkable as being the first at which any proposition was made in Congress for the occupation and settlement of our territory on the Columbia river-the only part then owned by the United States on the Pacific coast. It was made by Dr. Floyd, a representative from Virginia, who argued that the establishment of a civilized power on the American coast of the Pacific could not fail to produce great and wonderful benefits not only to our own country, but to the people of Eastern Asia, China and Japan on the opposite side of the Pacific Ocean, and that the valley of the Columbia might become the granary of China and Japan. This movement suggested to Senator Benton, to move, for the first time publicly in the United States, a resolution to send ministers to the Oriental States.

At this time treaties with Mexico and Spain were ratified, by which the United States acquired Florida and ceded Texas; these treaties, together with the Missouri compromise a measure contemporaneous with them extinguished slave soil in all the United States territory west of the Mississippi, except in that portion which was to constitute the State of Arkansas; and, ineluding the extinction in Texas consequent upon its cession to a non-slaveholding power, constituted the largest territorial abolition of slavery that was ever up to that period effected by any political power of any nation.

accompanied by a state paper in exposition of his opinions upon the whole subject of Federal interference in matters of inter state commerce and roads and canals. He discussed the measure in all its bearings, and plainly showed it to be unconstitutional. After stating the question, he examined it under every head of constitutional derivation under which its advocates claimed the power, and found it to be granted by no one of them and virtually prohibited by some of them. This was then and has since been considered to be the most elaborate and thoroughly considered opinion upon the general question which has ever been delivered by any American statesman. This great state paper, delivered at a time when internal improvement by the federal government had become an issue in the canvass for the Presidency and was ardently advocated by three of the candidates and qualified by two others, had an immense current in its power, carrying with it many of the old strict constructionists.

The revision of the tariff, with a view to the protection of home industry, and to the establishment of what was then called "The American System," was one of the large subjects before Congress at the session of 1823-24, and was the regular commencement of the heated debates on that question which afterwards ripened into a serious difficulty between the federal government and some of the Southern States. The presidential election being then deThe outside view of the slave question in pending, the subject became tinctured with the United States, at this time, is that the party politics, in which so far as that inextension of slavery was then arrested, gredient was concerned, and was not concircumscribed, and confined within narrow trolled by other considerations, members territorial limits, while free States were divided pretty much on the line which alpermitted an almost unlimited expansion. ways divided them on a question of conIn 1822 a law passed Congress abolish-structive powers. The protection of doing the Indian factory system, which had mestic industry not being among the powbeen established during Washington's ad- ers granted, was looked for in the incidenministration, in 1796, under which the tal; and denied by the strict constructionGovernment acted as a factor or agent for ists to be a substantive term, to be exerthe sale of supplies to the Indians and the cised for the direct purpose of protection; purchase of furs from them; this branch of but admitted by all at that time and ever the service then belonged to the depart- since the first tariff act of 1789, to be an ment of the Secretary of War. The abuses incident to the revenue raising power, and discovered in it led to the discontinuance an incident to be regarded in the exercise of that system. of that power. Revenue the object, proThe Presidential election of 1824 was tection the incident, had been the rule in approaching, the candidates were in the the earlier tariffs; now that rule was sought field, their respective friends active and to be reversed, and to make protection the busy, and popular topics for the canvass in object of the law, and revenue the inciearnest requisition. Congress was full of dent. Mr. Henry Clay was the leader in projects for different objects of internal the proposed revision and the champion of improvement, mainly in roads and canals, the American system; he was ably supand the friends of each candidate exerted themselves in rivalry of each other, under the supposition that their opinions would stan for those of their principals. An act for the preservation of the Cumberland

ported in the House by many able and effective speakers; who based their argument on the general distress then alleged to be prevalent in the country. Mr. Daniel Webster was the leading speaker on the

other side, and disputed the universality | bound to obey a particular impulsion, and of the distress which had been described; disobedience to which would be attended and contested the propriety of high or prohibitory duties, in the present active and intelligent state of the world, to stimulate industry and manufacturing enterprise.

Mr. Clay, who took the lead in the House for Mr. Adams, and afterwards took upon himself the mission of reconciling the A subject which at the present time is people to his election in a series of public exciting much criticism, viz: proposed speeches, was himself crippled in the amendments to the constitution relative to effort, lost his place in the democratic parthe election of President and Vice-Presi- ty, and joined the Whigs (then called the dent, had its origin in movements in that national republicans). The democratic direction taken by leading Democrats dur- principle was victor over the theory of the ing the campaign of 1824. The electoral Constitution, and beneficial results ensued. college has never been since the early elec- It vindicated the people in their right and tions, an independent body free to select their power. It re-established parties a President and Vice-President; though upon the basis of principle, and drew anew in theory they have been vested with such party lines, then almost obliterated under powers, in practice they have no such prac- the fusion of parties during the "era of tical power over the elections, and have good feeling," and the efforts of leading had none since their institution. In every men to make personal parties for themcase the elector has been an instrument, selves. It showed the conservative power

all the parties represented at the meeting, that each will guard, by its own means, against the establishment of any future European colony within its own borders, may be advisable. This was, more than two years since, announced by my predecessor to the world, as a principle resulting from the emancipation of both the American continents. It may be so developed to the new southern nations, that they may feel it as an essential appendage to their independence."

of our goverment to lie in the people, more | Adams, stated the objects of the Congress than in its constituted authorities. It to be as follows: "An agreement between showed that they were capable of exercising the function of self-government, and lastly, it assumed the supremacy of the democracy for a long time, and until lost by causes to be referred to hereafter. The Presidential election of 1824 is remarkable under another aspect-its results cautioned all public men against future attempts to govern presidential elections in the House of Representatives; and it put an end to the practice of caucus nominations for the Presidency by members of Congress. This mode of concentrating public opinion be- Mr. Adams had been a member of Mr. gan to be practiced as the eminent men of Monroe's cabinet, filling the department the Revolution, to whom public opinion from which the doctrine would emanate. awarded a preference, were passing away, The enunciation by him as above of this and when new men, of more equal preten- "Monroe Doctrine," as it is called, is very sions, were coming upon the stage. It was different from what it has of late been suptried several times with success and general posed to be, as binding the United States approbation, because public sentiment was to guard all the territory of the New World followed-not led-by the caucus. It was from European colonization. The mesattempted in 1824 and failed; all the op- sage above quoted was written at a time ponents of Mr. Crawford, by their joint when the doctrine as enunciated by the efforts, succeeded, and justly in the fact former President through the then Secrethough not in the motive, in rendering tary was fresh in the mind of the latter, these Congress caucus nominations odious and when he himself in a communication to the people, and broke them down. to the American Senate was laying it down They were dropped, and a different mode for the adoption of all the American naadopted that of party nominations by tions in a general congress of their depuconventions of delegates from the States. ties. According to President Adams, this The administration of Mr. Adams com- "Monroe Doctrine" (according to which it menced with his inaugural address, in has been of late believed that the United which the chief topic was that of internal States were to stand guard over the two national improvement by the federal gov. Americas, and repulse all intrusive coloernment. This declared policy of the ad- nists from their shores), was entirely conministration furnished a ground of opposi- fined to our own borders; that it was only tion against Mr. Adams, and went to the proposed to get the other States of the New reconstruction of parties on the old line of World to agree that, each for itself, and by strict, or latitudinous, construction of the its own means, should guard its own terriConstitution. It was clear from the begin-tories; and, consequently, that the United ning that the new administration was to have a settled and strong opposition, and that founded in principles of government -the same principles, under different forms, which had discriminated parties at the commencement of the federal governMen of the old school-survivors of the contest of the Adams and Jefferson times, with some exceptions, divided accordingly-the federalists going for Mr. Adams, the republicans against him, with the mass of the younger generation. The Senate by a decided majority, and the House by a strong minority, were opposed to the policy of the new President.

ment.

In 1826 occurred the famous debates in the Senate and the House, on the proposed Congress of American States, to contract alliances to guard against and prevent the establishment of any future European colony within its borders. The mission though sanctioned was never acted upon or carried out. It was authorized by very nearly a party vote, the democracy as a party being against it The President, Mr.

States, so far from extending gratuitous protection to the territories of other States, would neither give, nor receive, aid in any such enterprise, but that each should use its own means, within its own borders, for its own exemption from European colonial intrusion.

No question in its day excited more intemperate discussion, excitement, and feeling between the Executive and the Senate, and none died out so quickly, than this, relative to the proposed congress of American nations. The chief advantage to be derived from its retrospect—and it is a real one-is a view of the firmness with which the minority maintained the old policy of the United States, to avoid entangling alliances and interference with the affairs of other nations; and the exposition, by one so competent as Mr. Adams, of the true scope and meaning of the Monroe doctrine.

At the session of 1825-26 attempt was again made to procure an amendment to the Constitution, relation to the mode

66

of election of President and Vice-Presi- | North and the South. This tariff law was dent, so as to do away with all intermedi- projected in the interest of the woolen ate agencies, and give the election to the manufacturers, but ended by including all direct vote of the people. In the Senate manufacturing interests. The passage of the matter was referred to a committee who this measure was brought about not because reported amendments dispensing with it was favored by a majority, but because electors, providing for districts equal in of political exigencies. In the then apnumber to the whole number of Senators proaching presidential election, Mr. and Representatives to which the State Adams, who was in favor of the Ameriwas entitled in Congress, and obviating all can System," supported by Mr. Clay (his excuses for caucuses and conventions to Secretary of State) was opposed by General concentrate public opinion by providing Jackson. This tariff was made an adminthat in the event of no one receiving a ma-istration measure, and became an issue in jority of the whole number of district votes the canvass. The New England States, cast, that a second election should be held which had formerly favored free trade, on limited to the two persons receiving the account of their commercial interests, highest number of votes; and in case of an changed their policy, and, led by Mr. equal division of votes on the second elec- Webster, became advocates of the protection then the House of Representatives tive system. The question of protective shall choose one of them for President, as tariff had now not only become political, is prescribed by the Constitution. The but sectional. The Southern States as a idea being that the first election, if not re- section, were arrayed against the system, sulting in any candidate receiving a ma- though prior to 1816 had favored it, not jority, should stand for a popular nomina- merely as an incident to revenue, but as a tion-a nomination by the people them-substantive object. In fact these tariff selves, out of which the election is almost bills, each exceeding the other in its desure to be made on the second trial. The gree of protection, had become a regular same plan was suggested for choosing a appendage of our presidential electionsVice-President, except that the Senate was carrying round in every cycle of four years, to finally elect, in case of failure to choose with that returning event; starting in 1816 at first and second elections. The amend- and followed up in 1820-24, and now in ments did not receive the requisite support 1828, with successive, augmentations of of two-thirds of either the Senate or the duties; the last being often pushed as a House. This movement was not of a par-party measure, and with the visible purtisan character; it was equally supported pose of influencing the presidential elecand opposed respectively by Senators and tion. General Jackson was elected, havRepresentatives of both parties. Substan- ing received 178 electoral votes to 83 retially the same plan was recommended by ceived by John Quincy Adams. President Jackson in his first annual mes- Richard Rush, of Pennsylvania, who was sage to Congress, December 8, 1829. on the ticket with Mr. Adams, was deIt is interesting to note that at this Ses-feated for the office of Vice-President, and sion of 1825 and 26, attempt was made by John C. Calhoun, of South Carolina, was the Democrats to pass a tenure of office elected to that office. bill, as applicable to government emThe election of General Jackson was a ployees and office-holders; it provided triumph of democratic principle, and an that in all nominations made by the assertion of the people's right to govern President to the Senate, to fill vacancies themselves. That principle had been viooccasioned by an exercise of the Presi-lated in the presidential election in the dent's power to remove from office, the fact of the removal shall be stated to the Senate at the same time that the nomination is made, with a statement of the reasons for which such officer may have been removed." It was also sought at the same time to amend the Constitution to prohibit the appointment of any member of Congress to any federal office of trust or profit, during the period for which he was elec

ted;
the design being to make the mem-
bers wholly independent of the Executive,
and not subservient to the latter, and in-
capable of receiving favors in the form of
bestowals of official patronage.

The tariff of 1828 is an era in our political legislation; from it the doctrine of "nullification" originated, and from that date began a serious division between the

Mr.

House of Representatives in the session of
1824-25; and the sanction, or rebuke, of
that violation was a leading question in the
whole canvass. It was also a triumph
over the high protective policy, and the
federal internal improvement policy, and
the latitudinous construction of the Con-
stitution; and of the democracy over the
federalists, then called national republi-
cans; and was the re-establishment of par-
ties on principle, according to the land-
marks of the early years of the govern-
ment. For although Mr. Adams had re-
ceived confidence and office from Mr.
Madison and Mr. Monroe, and had classed
with the democratic party during the "
of good feeling," yet he had previously
been federal; and on the re-establishment
of old party lines which began to take place

"era