king Ferdinand VII. and then, with the supreme government, he will determine what may be his royal will, either commanding an union of the cortes, or by such other means as his prudence may suggest, and will facilitate the reform of abuses, and the general happiness of the kingdom, securing it upon such foundations as are firm, and subject to no change. If these hopes are vain, in which the clemency of God leads us to indulge, then the existing supreme government will itself determiné which is most conducive to the interest of the kingdom, conforming itself to the fundamental laws thereof, defending it against the fury and malice of our enemies, and preserving this monarchy, in which itself, the liberty of nations, and the catholic church, the beloved spouse of our Lord Jesus Christ, is so deeply interested.

Given at the royal palace of Seville, the 3d day of August, 1808.

IMPERIAL DECREE.

Napoleon, emperor of the French, king of Italy, and protector of the confederation of the Rhine, wishing to afford spiritual help to our subjects of the Greek persuasion, we have decreed, and do decree, as follows: Art. 1.-There shall be in Dalmatia a bishop of the Greek ritual. II.-There shall also be a chapter and a seminary for the instruction of clergymen of the same worship.

III. We grant to the bishop an endowment of 15,000 livres per annum, from our royal treasury. IV. The same sum is granted

1808.

from the treasury, to the chapter and seminary, for their annual support.

V. In the course of the approaching month of November, a synod shall be convoked, over which the providetor-general shall preside, composed of forty persons of the Greek ritual, to be selected by the providetor-general, from double the number, who shall be communicated by the archimandrite, &c.

Given at the Palace of St. Cloud, Sept. 17, 1808. (Signed) BONAPARTE. (Counter-signed) A. ALDINI, Italian Secretary of State.

On the 26th Oct. Bonaparte went

in great state to the palace of the legislative body, in order to open the sitting; when he addressed the assembly as follows:

Messrs. Deputies, Members of

the Legislative Body,

The code of laws, laying down the principles of property and of civil freedom, which forms the subject of your labours, will be adopted as the sentiment of Europe. My people already experience the most salutary effects from them. The latest laws have laid the foundation of our system of finance. That is a monument of the might and greatness of France. We shall henceforward be able to meet the expenditure which might be rendered necessary, even by a general coalition of Europe, from our yearly income alone. Never shall we be reduced to have recourse to the fatal expedients of paper money, of loans, or of anticipations of revenue. I have, in the present year, laid out (Q)

more

more than a thousand miles of road. The system of works which I have established for the improvement of our territory, will be carried forward with zeal.-The prospect of the great French family, lately torn to pieces by opinions and intestine rancour, but now prosperous, tranquil, and united, has affected my soul in a remarkable manner. I have felt that in order to be happy, I should in the first place be assured that France was happy. The peace of Presburg, that of Tilsit, the assault of Copenhagen, the plans of England against all nations on the ocean, the different revolutions at Constantinople, the affairs of Spain and Portugal, have, in various ways, exercised an influence on the affairs of the world.-Russia and Denmark have united with me against England. The united states of America have rather chosen to abandon commerce and the sea, than to acknowledge their slavery. A part of my army has marched against that which England has formed in Spain, or has disembarked. It is a distinguished

favour of that Providence which has constantly protected our arms, that passion has so far blinded the English councils, that they abandon the defence of the seas, and at last produce their army on the Continent. I depart in a few days to put myself in person at the head of my army, and, with God's help, to crown the king of Spain in Madrid, and to plant my eagles on the forts of Spain. I have only to praise the sentiments of the princes of the confederation of the Rhine. Switzerland experiences more and more the benefits of the act of mediation. The people of Italy give me grounds for nothing but expressions of satisfaction. The

--

emperor of Russia and myself have had an interview at Erfurth. Our first thought was a thought of peace. We have even resolved to make some sacrifices, in order to enable the hundred millions of men whom we represent, if possible, the sooner to enjoy the bene fits of the commerce of the seas. We are agreed, and unchangeably united, as well for peace as for war.-Messieurs deputies, I have ordered my ministers of finance, and of the general treasury, to lay before you an account of the receipt and expenditure of the year. You will therein see with satisfaction that I have not felt it necessary to increase the tarif with any impost. My people shall experience no new burthen. The speakers of my council of state will submit to you many plans of laws, and among others, all those which have relation to the crimi nal code. I rely constantly on your co-operation.

PROCLAMATION

Issued by the Supreme Junta of Spain, to the Spanish nation.

Spaniards! The supreme junta of government, the depositary of the supreme authority, has devoted the first moments which succeeded its formation to the urgent mea sures which its situation, and the circumstances of the lime, prescribe. But from the first instant of its installation, it has believed that one of its obligations is to address itself to you, with the diguity which becomes a great and generous nation, in order to inform you of your situation, and establish in a frank and noble manner these relations of reciprocal confidence which are the bases of every just

and

and prudent administration. With out these, neither the government can fulfil the high duty imposed upon it, nor the governed attain the objects desired.

A tyranny of 20 years, exercised by the unfittest hands ever known, had placed our country on the brink of perdition. The oppressor of Europe saw that the time was arrived for carrying into execution the plot he had long been forming, and adding the richest and most brilliant wreath to the bloody crown. Every thing appeared to flatter his hopes. The nation was alienated from its government by hatred or contemptthe royal family was divided-the beloved heir to the crown accused, caluminated, and, if possible, degraded; the public force dispersed and disorganized; the resources exhausted; the French troops were introduced into the kingdom, and had already seized the strong places of the frontier; finally, 60,000 men were ready to enter the capital, in order from thence to give law to the kingdom.

It was at this critical moment that, suddenly awaking from the slumber in which you lay, you precipitated the favourite from the height of power he had usurped, and placed on the throne the prince you idolised. An act of fraud the most abominable which the records of human perversity bear, deprived you of your most innocent king; and the aggression of Bonaparte and tyranny of the French were announced to Spain by the cannonade of the 2d of May on Madrid, and by the blood slaughter of its innocent and brave inhabitants-a horrible but fit presage of the fate Napoleon was preparing for you.

From that memorable day, when

the supreme authority was sold to the enemy which our deceived monarch had left at the head of the government-when the other authorities were oppressed, and the seat of the empire occupied by the foe, the French believed that no further resistance would be made, and spread themselves from east to south, to extend their dominion, and enjoy the fruits of their perfidy. Fools! they were not aware that they were insulting and outraging a people most jealous of their honour, and that they rushed on inevitable perdition.

The irritated provinces of Spain rose against the oppressors suddenly, but with solemnity, and swore to perish rather than sustain so ignominious a tyranny. Europe, in astonishment, was informed at the same instant of the offence and the chastisement; and a nation which but a short time before had scarcely the semblance of power, became at once the object of the interest and admiration of the universe.

Our situation was unexampled in our history, unforeseen by our laws, and, as it were, opposed to our habits. It was necessary to give a direction to the public force, corresponding with the will and the sacrifices of the people; and this necessity created the juntas in the provinces, which collected in themselves the whole authority of the nation, in order to expel the public enemy and maintain the peace of the interior.

What their energy has been-how they have discharged the trust imposed upon them by the people-and what gratitude the nation owes them, let the fields declare which have been covered with the bodies of Frenchmen, the military spoils of the invader, which serve to deck our (Q 2) temples

temples as trophies; the lives and independence of the greater part of the national magistrates which lave been preserved, and the applauses of so many thousands of i lividuals who owe to them their liberty and their vengeance.

But as soon as the capital was delivered from the enemy, and the communication between the provinces was re established, it was necessary to unite the public authority into ove centre, which had been divided into as many parts as there were provincial juntas, whence the strength and activity of the nation could be called into exercise. This was the decision of the public voice, and this was the measure adopted by the provinces. Their respective juntas nominated deputies, who concurred in formng the centre of authority; and in less time than had been in French Machiavelism to destroy our ancient government, a new and much more formidable administration was seen in the central junta which is now addressing you.

The concurrence in the national will, which wrought this goodthe universal freedom from selfish motives which induced the provinces to entrust their authority and power to other hands; this has been, Spaniards, your greatest action, this your best victory. The present age which beholds you, and posterity, to whom you will serve for study and admiration, will find in this act the most convincing proof of your virtue and prudence. The enemies of Spain had already designed the moment of your ruin; they already saw the divisions which would be formed by the convulsions of civil discord they already triumphed, believe ing the provinces would be disunited by ambition, and that some

pretending to superiority over the rest, would apply to ther for a tection and aid: But, le! a cer tral power has been formed before their eyes, and peacefully acknow• ledged by all; the car of the ste runs upon one axle-tree, and vebe mently and powerfully forces its way, crushing all the pretensions and all the hopes of their ing

The junta being established, its attention was at once turned to be discharge of its dutes To drve the enemy beyond the Pyrenees, and compel him to deliver up the august person of our augast king, and those of his brother and uncle. recognizing at the same time or liberty and independence, was the first duty which the junta conceiv ed the nation had imposed upon it Much of this it found already ef fected, at the period of its establish ment; the public enthusiasm was kindled; armies were formed. composed almost wholly of fres troops; important victones wer gained; the enemy was driven to the frontiers; the opinion in favor of his military skill destroyed, and the laurels which adorned thos conquerors of Europe transferri to the brows of our warriors.

This had already been done, was what might be expected from the impulse of the first moment. but having effected all that co be produced by impetuosity valour, it is necessary to avail o selves of the means prescribed prudence and constancy; for what we have yet to attain Spaniard we must repeat it again and is an arduous undertaking, ought to call into exercise all your enthusiasm and all your virtue.

You will be convinced of thi when you turn your attention to the internal and external situation of public affairs, at the time when

the junta began to exercise its functions. Our armies full of ardour, and eager to march to victory, but naked and unprovided with every thing: beyond, the remains of the French armies awaiting reinforcements on the banks of the Ebro, ravaging Upper Castile, the Rioja, and the provinces of Biscay: Occupying Pampeluna and Barcelona with their fortresses; masters of the castle of St. Ferdinand, ruling over almost the whole of Navarre and Catalonia; the despot of France, restless on his throne, deceiving the slaves who obey him by the grossest impostures, and striving to lull to inactivity all the other states, in order to discharge on us alone the enormous weight of his military force; the powers of the continent, in fine, oppressed or insulted by France, expecting with anxiety the issue of this first struggle, desiring to declare against the common enemy of all, but proceeding with the timid circumspection which their past misfortunes coun

sel.

It is evident that the sole asylum which remains for the preservation of their independence, is a general confederacy-a confederacy which will assuredly take place at last, for interest persuades and necessity prescribes it. Which is the state which can hold relations of amity with Bonaparte? Who can give credit to his words and promises, or trust to his loyalty and good faith? The fate of Spain will serve as a lesson and a warning, her resolution as an example, her victories as an incentive; and the reprobate who has trampled under foot the principles of equity, and the sanctity of good faith, is placed Limself in the hard necessity of aring more power than all of

them, or of being buried under the mountains raised by his frenzy.

The security and certainty of a league, so necessary and just, are to be determined by our previous exertions, and the prudence of our conduct. When we shall have raised a mass of military force as terrible for its quantity as for its preparation-when we shall hold in our hands all the means of profiting by success, or remedying a reverse-when the sound judgment and integrity which distinguish the Spanish people, among all others, will manifest themselves in the regulation of all our proceedings and pretensions: then all Europe, secure of triumphing, will unite itself to us, and avenge at once its injuries and ours. Then Spain will enjoy the glory of having saved the powers of the continent, and reposing in the moderation and rectitude of her desires, and in the strength of her situation, she will be, and she will be recognized as the loyal confederate of all, but neither the slave nor the tyrant of any.

Let us then now employ all the means we possess, as if we had to sustain alone the whole force of France. For this purpose, the junta has believed that it is necessary to maintain under arms 550,000 effective men; the 50,000 to be cavalry; an enormous mass of strength, and disproportionate it may be confessed to our present situation and our ancient wants, but by no means unsuited to the present occasion. The three armies which are to occupy the frontier, and the bodies of reserve which are to support their operations, and supply their wants, will easily absorb the designated number. And what are they or the sacrifices