of Naples. This island was garrisoned by some English and Maltese regiments. At the beginning of October the French general Lanargne sailed from Naples, with about 5,000 men, in order to at tack it. He attempted to land on the eastern part of the island, where a division of the English troops were posted; but the French were repulsed with the loss of 500 men. They then proceeded to a different part of the island, where the Maltese were stationed, who are represented as not having behaved with the same gallantry which the English displayed. The French, having gained possession of this part of the island, summoned lieut.-col. Lowe, who commanded on the eastern side, where they had first attempted to land; but he refused to surrender. As soon as the hazardous situation of the garrison was known in Sicily, reinforcements were dispatched; but, unfortunately, they did not arrive time enough to prevent the entire conquest of the island.

The only circumstances which respect the internal state of France that deserve particular notice, are the creation of a hereditary nobility; the decree concerning the Jews; and the annual Exposé of the empire. In the speech delivered before the senate, by the archchancellor, it is expressly declared that hereditary distinctions are in ome measure essential to moarchical government. Thus is France rapidly returning to that state in which she was placed before the revolution! The most remarkable article of the statute which established a hereditary nolity, decrees that a certain annual come shall be assigned to the ferent degrees, which, along ith the title, shall pass to lineal

and legal descendants, whether of the body, or adopted, from male to male, according to the order of birth. No title was to be taken from any place in the French empire. It was specially provided that the legion of honour should not lose any of its dignity by the new establishment. It was henceforth, like the titles of nobility, to become hereditary. It must have been remarked by those who have attended to the policy of Bonaparte, that in many points he appears anxious to approach to the regula tions of the feudal system. This is particularly manifest in the oath, which was prescribed to his new nobility. They swore "to be faithful to the emperor and his dynasty; to be obedient to the constitution, laws and institutions of the empire; to serve his majesty as good, upright and faithful subjects; to educate their children in the same feeling of fidelity and obedience; and to march in defence of their country as soon as its territory shouid be threatened, or his majesty go to the army."

Bya decree of the 17th of March, Bonaparte ordered the measures he had resolved upon with respect to the Jews, to be carried into immediate execution. Every 2000 Jews are to form a synagogue, but there can be only one consistorial synagogue in each department. The business of the consistory is to superintend the rabbis, and to take care that they teach nothing but what is conformable to the doctrines of the grand Sanhedrim. They are also to give information respecting the Jewish conscripts in their districts. No Jew is to be permitted to settle in France or Italy, before he, has given three months previous notice to the nearest consistory. By another decree, 2€ 2

all

all obligations for loans made by Jews to minors, without the sanction of their guardians, to married women, without the consent of their husbands, or to military men, without the authority of their superior officers, were annulled. Bills granted by French subjects to Jews cannot be demanded, unless the holders can prove that there was no fraud, and that full value was given. All contracts were declared usurious, where the interest accumulating on the capital exceeded twentythree per cent. No Jew is allowed to trade without a patent, which is to be renewed annually. In many of the departments the Jews were forbidden to settle, unless they abandoned commerce, and purchased landed property. Such Jews as belonged to the conscription were not to be allowed to find substitutes, but were compelled to perform personal service. These and similar regulations were to be in force for ten years; and if at the termination of that period their moral character was not rendered similar to that of the other citizens of the empire, they were to be continued. This declaration fully develops Bonaparte's object in the measures which he has taken respecting the Jews: he discovered them to be not only of no use in a military government, but absolutely prejudicial. He, therefore, directed his endeavours to the alteration of their character.

The exposition of the state of the French empire, which was laid before the legislative body in the beginning of November, is distinguished by the same triumphant disclosure of trifling improvements which forms its usual character, Trial by jury, on the exact principles of the English law, is by far the most important and interesting

topic that is noticed; and if there were any security that this institution would be conducted with the same freedom and purity as it is in this country, we might safely congratulate the French on having gained no weak counterpoise to the despotism of their military govern ment. The improvements in the manufactures, of which the exposi tion takes notice, are very insignificant, and not at all calculated to create any alarm in the minds of our commercial men, nor to hold out to the French the prospect of be ing soon in a situation to do with out our goods. The privations and distresses to which the French nation had been obliged to submit, in consequence of the operation o our orders in council, are noticed, but it is principally to praise the resignation with which they were endured, and the genius of inve tion to which they had given birth By them they have been taught that a nation essentially agricultu ral "can, by possessing in abundance all articles of utility, easily forgo those which only form certain luxuries or conveniences life, particularly when its independence and glory are at stake."

That division of the exposition which relates to agriculture has few improvements to boast of; ar those are of such a nature as work be regarded by our English farm: ers as decisive proofs of the ver low state of that useful art, in: country which is called essentially agricultural. The attempt to rais cotton in the south of France ap pears not to have succeeded. B the culture of tobacco is represente as in a very flourishing and promis ing state.

The finances are represented t be in a state of the highest ord and prosperity. The amount

the receipts is 800 millions; in a period of peace 600 millions will be sufficient to defray the public expenses. From this statement it is difficult to perceive how the finances can justly be termed prosperous: if the peace expenditure reaches 600 millions, the war expenditure, it is probable, must nearly double that sum, and yet the receipts are rated only at 800 millions.

Under the head of the marine the boasts of the ministers of the interior are low indeed. Notwithstanding the English, Corfu had been supplied with men, artillery, provisions, and ammunition; and admiral Gantheaume had returned safe, through all the difficulties of a boisterous navigation! He boasts with more reason of the rich prizes taken, through the negligence of our fleets, in the East and West Indies. The building of ships of war at Antwerp and the other naval arsenals is represented as proceeding with great activity and spirit: twelve sail of the line were launched within the year, and 25 nore, with as many frigates, were on the stocks.

The statement of the military power and resources of France, contained in this exposition, unfor. tunately rests on a better foundations. After making every deduction and allowance for the native and inseparable vanity and exaggeration of a Frenchman, there is suficientin this statement to prove that the views of Bonaparte extend to conquests not yet begun, and to create in the minds of the friends of peace and independence the most alarming fears for what yet remains of liberty in Europe. It is not only on account of the magTitude of the French military force, that such fears ought to be enter

tained: the perfection of the mili tary system, evidenced by its simplicity and effect, and carried into execution by men who are perfectly acquainted with every part of it, and who permit nothing to interfere with the consideration and wish which is nearest the heart of every Frenchman, that this system should raise the glory of their country to a height unknown in the annals of mankind; these circumstances must give rise to sentiments of despondency and alarm.

The reply of the president of the legislative body to this exposition of the state of the empire, is filled with the most gross and fulsome adulation of Bonaparte. He is very inconsistently held up to the admiration and gratitude of France, both as an accomplished warrior and as the sincere friend of peace. We shall probably deceive ourselves, however, if we endeavour to trace all the flattery which this reply contains, to a mean spirit of adulation: did the French nation give utterance to sentiments totally foreign to their feelings and wishes, when they flattered Bonaparte, his power would neither be so formidable, nor placed on such a firm foundation. As has been already remarked, that vanity of a Frenchman which induces him to think his country destined and fit to be the mistress of the world, mingles itself in no inconsiderable portion with his cringeing spirit, in the adulation he bestows on one whom he both fears and admires.

The policy of Bonaparte in placing between France and Austria kingdoms of his own erection, the sovereigns of which must be devoted to his views, both from a feeling of duty and from a regard to their own interest, has often been remarked. In this view, though

they

they are actually as much a part of the empire of France as any of its provinces, the constitution which Bonaparte has given them, becomes a subject of considerable interest and importance. The situation of Bavaria particularly, as directly interposed between France and Austria, must make her political conduct of great importance, in the event of another contest between those powers. From this consideration we are induced to give a short sketch of the constitution which took effect the latter end of this year it will be clearly seen, that it is calculated and intended not only to increase her resources and internal strength, but to place them most completely under the influence and at the disposal of Bonaparte.

It is especially fixed in the first title of the constitution, that the kingdom of Bavaria shall form a part of the confederation of the Rhine: this in fact gives Bonaparte, as the head of that confederation, the virtual command of the kingdom. All hereditary offices and particular privileges are abolished. There is to be but one national representation, and one system of taxation. The land-tax is limited to one-fifth of the revenue. Vassalage is every where abolished. The nobles are deprived of their exclusive right to offices of state and dignities they are to be subject to taxation; but they are to retain their titles and manorial rights. The crown is declared to be here. ditary; and is to descend to the heirs male, to the exclusion of the female line. The whole kingdom is to be divided into circles as nearly equal as possible; in each circle seven members are to be chosen from the 200 proprietors, or mer chants, who pay most to the land

tax.

The members of all the circles so chosen, are to constitute the grand assembly of the kingdom. The functions of the depu ties are to continue six years, and they are re-eligible. The assembly must meet at least once in every year. The king has the power to call them together.

From this sketch it will be per ceived that, in some respects, the condition of the lower and middle ranks must be benefited by the new constitution. One good cer tainly results from the conquests of Bonaparte. Policy obliges him to deprive the nobility of the differ ent little states of Germany, of those privileges which were most obnoxious and oppressive. In or der to secure and confirm his conquests he endeavours to attach the great body of the people to him, at the expense of those classes which, he knows, must regard him with feelings of resentment and hostility.

Turkey this year was again the scene of revolution and bloodshed. It is at all times difficult to ascer tain the full and exact particulars of events that take place in this weak and distracted empire; but, according to the most authentic accounts, the following are the principal circumstances attending this new revolution. The grand vizier, and a general of the name of Mustapha Bairacter, marched to Constantinople at the head of nearly 40,000 men. The latter, with part of this force, surrounded the seraglio, where he was joined by the captain pacha and a number of janissaries. In answer to his. demand that Selim should be delivered to him, with the threat, in case of refusal, that he would carry the seraglio by assault, a dead body was thrown from the walls with the exclamation

exclamation "Here is Selim !" He had been murdered by the new sultan in the most barbarous manner. At sight of the dead body, the captain pacha was inclined to retire; but Bairacter persevered, assaulted the seraglio, seized the sultan in the act of wounding his younger brother, declared him unworthy of the throne, and proclaimed the brother whom he had rescued grand seignior. He then nominated himself grand vizier, and announced the revolution which had taken place, to the people of Constantinople, by the firing of cannon. Bairacter, a man in the prime of life, of firm resolve and undaunted courage, had no sooner fixed himself in the office of grand vizier, than he turned his attention and endeavours to the establishment of his authority, and to the reformation of abuses. He issued strict and peremptory orders to the different pachas, punctually to carry into immediate execution the instructions he should send them; and threatened any neglect, delay, or opposition to his commands, with the most severe and exemplary punishment. But he turned his thoughts and plans principally towards the janissaries. He was sensible that there could be no stable and independent government, nor any improvement introduced into the administration of the empire, till their power was effectually curbed. He endeavoured to introduce by degrees proper discipline among them, and to lead them to consider themselves, and to be considered by the nation, as the servants, not as the masters, of the grand seignior. The slightest instance of insubordination he puished with instant death; but at the same time he removed every cause of just complaint, and par.

ticularly ordered that their pay should be punctually paid them. Although the unfortunate Selim lost his throne for having trained and exercised some of his troops in the European manner, yet Bairacter determined to carry on and complete what Selim had begun, and gave orders that the whole army thould be instructed in European tactics. Finding himself unable, however, to mould the janissaries in the manner he wished, he at length took the decided resolution to abolish them entirely; or at least to transfer such of them as were the least refractory to a new corps, formed according to the system which he meant to introduce, and to deprive the rest of their name and military character. These vigorous measures, and the public declaration he made, that the Turkish empire ought to be placed in such a situation as would render it respectable and formidable to its enemies, inspired many with some faint hopes that, by his activity and vigour, it might be preserved from falling an easy prey to the intrigues or arms of Bonaparte.

The United States of America presented this year a very singular spectacle. By the embargo they had cut themselves off from the old world. Those who imagined that they were well acquainted with the character of the Americans confi. dently predicted that the embargo would soon be taken off. They thought that its effects would immediately press hard on many classes of the nation; and that, if it were continued, that pressure would extend itself over the majority of the people. If such an event took place, they knew that the government must yield; or that, if it did persevere, the union

would