CHAPTER XLI.

GEN. LEE'S LINES AROUND RICHMOND AND PETERSBURG.-COMPARISON OF HIS FORCE WITH THAT OF THE ENEMY.-GEN. LEE'S SENTIMENT ABOUT SURRENDER.-DULL CONDITION OF THE POPULACE IN RICHMOND.-EXTRAVAGANT RUMOURS.-STORY OF THE FRENCH MESSENGER. THE FORTRESS MONROE CONFERENCE.-MR. BLAIR'S VISIT TO RICHMOND.-NOTES OF PRESIDENTS DAVIS AND LINCOLN.-CONVERSATION OF THE FORMER WITH ALEXANDER H. STEPHENS.-OFFICIAL NARRATIVE OF THE CONFERENCE IN HAMPTON ROADS.-A RHE. TORICAL APPEAL TO THE PEOPLE OF THE CONFEDERACY.-A DAY OF SPEECHES IN RICHMOND.-PRESIDENT DAVIS' SPEECH AT THE AFRICAN CHURCH.-ITS EXTRAVAGANT AND SWOLLEN TONE.-A REMARK ON THE TEMPER AND VANITY OF THE PRESIDENT.-BATTLE OF HARE'S HILL.-DESIGN OF THE ACTION ON THE PART OF GEN. LEE.-THE GENERAL DISPOSITION OF HIS FORCES.-CAPTURE OF FORT STEADMAN.-THE CONFEDERATES FALTER.-WHAT THE DAY PROVED. THE LAST BATTLES AROUND PETERSBURG.-WHY GRANT HURRIED THE FINAL OPERATIONS.—THE PRELIMINARY EXPEDITION OF SHERIDAN'S CAVALRY.— WHAT IT ACCOMPLISHED.—THE ATTEMPT UPON LEE'S RIGHT.-DESPERATE RESOURCE OF THE CONFEDERATE COMMANDER.-BATTLE OF FIVE FORKS.-MISBEHAVIOUR OF THE CONFEDERATES.—GEN. LEE'S REPROACH.-BOMBARDMENT OF THE PETERSBURG LINES.-THR ASSAULT. THE CONFEDERATES' LINES BROKEN.-DEFENCE OF FORT GREGG.—A THRILLING SCENE OF SELF-DEVOTION. THE CONFEDERATES FORCED BACK UPON PETERSBURG.— DEATH OF GEN. A. P. HILL.-EVACUATION OF RICHMOND. THE CITY UNPREPARED FOR THE NEWS.-FRIGHT AND DISORDER IN THE STREETS.-A CURIOUS SCENE IN THE CAPITOL. —GEN. EWELL'S WITHDRAWAL FROM THE CITY.-HE FIRES A NUMBER OF WAREHOUSES.— A FRIGHTFUL CONFLAGRATION.-SCENES OF SUBLIME HORROUR.-GRAND ENTREE OF THE FEDERALS.-RAVAGES OF THE FIRE.—EXULTATION IN NORTHERN CITIES.-STUFF OF YANKEE NEWSPAPERS.-DUE ESTIMATE OF GRANT'S ACHIEVEMENT IN THE FALL OF RICHMOND. DEFINITION OF GENERALSHIP. THE QUALITIES OF MIND EXHIBITED BY THE NORTH IN THE WAR.

In the first months of 1865 Gen. Lee held both Richmond and Petersburg with not more than thirty-three thousand men. At this time Grant's strength, as rated at the War Department in Washington, exceeded one hundred and sixty-thousand men. Such was the disparity of force in the final array of the contest for Richmond. Gen. Lee's lines stretched from below Richmond on the north side of the James to Hatcher's Run away beyond Petersburg on the south side. He had forty miles of defence; and it may well be imagined that with his little force posted over such a dis

tance, his line of battle was almost as thin as a skirmish line. Duty was incessant; it was fatiguing in the greatest degree; the Confederates had no reserves, and when a brigade was taken to asssist at some threatened point, the position it left was endangered. But even in this extreme situation, Gen. Lee had not yet despaired of the cause of the Confederacy. He was gravely sensible of the danger; in frequent conference with committees of the Congress at Richmond, he stated frankly his anxiety, but urged levies of negro troops, held out what hope he could, and expressly and firmly discountenanced any surrender of the Confederate cause by premature negotiations with Washington. On one of these occasions he made the personal declaration for himself that he had rather die on the battle-field than surrender-a sentiment which provoked the sneer of a well-known "Union " man in Richmond, and the remark that "Gen. Lee talked like a school-girl."

The populace of Richmond was but little aware of the terrible decrease of Gen. Lee's army; and indeed the people of the Confederacy were studiously kept in the dark as to all details of the military situation. So reticent had the Government become, that the newspapers were forbid publishing anything of military affairs beyond the scanty doles of information and the skeleton telegrams furnished to the reporters by an official authority, and copied at the desks of the War Department. It thus hap pened that while there was a general despondency of the public mind, there were few outside the severe official circles of Richmond who knew the real extremities to which the arms and affairs of the Confederacy had fallen. There was a dull expectation of what was next to happen; there was a vague condition of the public mind, in which, although not able to discover any substantial and well-defined ground of hope, it yet plodded on under the shadow of old convictions, and with a dim anticipation of something favourable in the future. While every one affirmed that the affairs of the Confederacy were in a bad way, and while every one ap peared to have a certain sense of approaching misfortune, there were very few who knew the real condition and numbers of the armies of the Con federacy, and realized how far had been undermined its system of defence. It was difficult indeed to believe that the Army of Northern Virginiathat army, whose name had been for four years as the blast of victoryhad declined to a condition in which it was no longer capable of offensive operations. It was difficult indeed to abandon altogether the idea that the happy accident of a victory somewhere in the Confederacy might not, after all, put a new aspect on affairs. Even if the conclusion of subjugation had become probable, its day was at least uncertain, distant; and the opinion of Gen. Lee was quoted in the streets of Richmond that in any event the Southern Confederacy was likely to last another year's campaign. Many lived in the circle of each day; the idea of Independence was yet in the

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loose conversations of the people; and the favourite cantatrice of the Richmond Theatre sung to nightly plaudits, "Farewell forever to the starspangled banner!" Then there were those rumours of extravagant fortune, always indicative of a weak and despairing condition of the public mind; among them endless stories of peace negotiations and European "recognition." A few weeks before Richmond fell, the report was credited for the space of three or four days by the most intelligent persons in the city, including some of the editors of the newspapers and President Davis' pastor, that a messenger from France had arrived on the coast of North Carolina, and was making his way overland to Richmond, with the news of the recognition of the Southern Confederacy by the Emperour Napoleon!

But in this dull condition of the public mind there came a well-defined rumour of "peace;" an event in which another and last appeal was to be made to the resolution of the South.

THE FORTRESS MONROE CONFERENCE.

At different periods of the war the ambition of individuals on both sides had attempted certain propositions of peace, and sought to bring the parties at Richmond and Washington into such a position that they could not avoid negotiations, without subjecting themselves to the injurious imputation of preferring war. In pursuance of this diplomatic errantry, Mr. Francis P. Blair, a skilful politician, in January, 1865, obtained a passport from President Lincoln to go through the Federal lines, visited Richmond, and while disclaiming any official instructions or countenance from Washington, sought to prevail upon President Davis to send, or receive, commissioners to treat of peace between the contending parties. On the 19th January, Mr. Blair returned to Washington, taking with him a written assurance, addressed to himself, from President Davis, of his willingness to enter into negotiations for peace, to receive a commissioner whenever one should be sent, and of his readiness, whenever Mr. Blair could promise that he would be received, to appoint such a commissioner, minister, or other agent, and thus "renew the effort to enter into a conference with a view to secure peace between the two countries." The reply of Mr. Lincoln was no less diplomatic. He wrote that he was "ready to receive any agent whom Mr. Davis or any other influential perзon now resisting the national authority, may informally send me, with a view of securing peace to the people of our common country."

While the intermediation of Mr. Blair was taking place in Richmond, a number of Congressmen and leading politicians of the Confederacy had been exerting themselves to use the peculiar influence of the Vice-Presi

dent, Alexander H. Stephens, in a negotiation with Washington, and for this purpose to bring him and President Davis to a friendly understanding. There had long been a coolness between these two high officers. Mr. Stephens had blown hot and cold in the war. At the beginning of the contest he opposed secession; after the great battles of 1862 around Richmond, he was intensely Southern, and thought the death of every individual in the Confederacy preferable to subjugation; at later periods of the war he squinted at "reconstruction," and dallied with the "Union " faction in the South. The reputation of this man is a striking example of how difficult it is in all parts of America for the people to distinguish between a real statesman and an elaborate demagogue. Mr. Stephens had a great idea of his personal consequence; he was touchy and exacting in his intercourse with other public men; and he refused to pass a word with President Davis until he had obtained from him the concession of a circuitous message that "the President would be glad to see Mr. Stephens." In the interview which took place, President Davis remarked graciously, but with a tinge of sarcasm in his tone, that he knew of "no one better calculated to conduct a peace negotiation with the North than Mr. Alexander H. Stephens." In the statement of his views the President was remarkably liberal. He allowed Mr. Stephens to name for himself the associate commissioners, who were R. M. T. Hunter of Virginia, and J. A. Campbell of Alabama; he burdened him with no detail of instructions; he said: "I give you a carte-blanche, only writing on it the one word, 'Independence." "

The anxiously expected conference did not take place until the 3d of February. It was attended on the Federal side by President Lincoln himself, accompanied by his Secretary of State, Mr. Seward; the presence of the Northern President having been induced by an earnest telegram from Gen. Grant, expressing his personal belief that the Confederate commissioners, who had passed through his lines, were sincere in their desire for peace, and his strong conviction that a personal interview with them on the part of Mr. Lincoln was highly desirable. The Confederate commissioners were entertained on board of a steamer lying in Hampton Roads. The conference was studiously informal; there were no notes of it; there was no attendance of secretaries or clerks; there was an irregular conversation of four hours, enlivened by two anecdotes of Mr. Lincoln; but there being absolutely no basis of negotiation between the two parties, not even a single point of coincidence between them, they separated without effect. The Confederate commissioners obtained only from the interview the distinct, enlarged, and insolent demand of Mr Lincoln, that the South should submit unconditionally to the rule of the Union, and conform to the advanced position of the Federal Executive on the subject of slavery, which included an amendment to the Constitution abolishing this domestic insti

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tution of the South, a bill establishing a Freedmen's Bureau, and other measures looking to a new construction of relations between the black and white populations of the country.

The report of the conference and its results was made in the following message from President Davis, sent in to the Confederate Congress on the 5th February:

"To the Senate and House of Representatives of the Confederate States of America:

"Having recently received a written notification which satisfied me that the President of the United States was disposed to confer informally with unofficial agents that might be sent by me with a view to the restoration of peace, I requested Hon. Alexander H. Stephens, Hon. R. M. T. Hunter, and Hon. John A. Campbell, to proceed through our lines to hold a conference with Mr. Lincoln, or such persons as he might depute to represent him.

"I herewith submit, for the information of Congress, the report of the eminent cităzens above named, showing that the enemy refuse to enter into negotiations with the Confederate States, or any one of them separately, or to give our people any other terms or guarantees than those which a conqueror may grant, or permit us to have peace on any other basis than our unconditional submission to their rule, coupled with the acceptance of their 'recent legislation, including an amendment to the Constitution for the emancipation of negro slaves, and with the right on the part of the Federal Congress to legislate on the subject of the relations between the white and black population of each State.

"Such is, as I understand, the effect of the amendment to the Constitution which has been adopted by the Congress of the United States.

"EXECUTIVE OFFICE, RICHMOND, February 5, 1865."

"JEFFERSON DAVIS.

"To the President of the Confederate States:

"RICHMOND, VIRGINIA, February 5, 1865.

"SIR: Under your letter of appointment of 28th ult., we proceeded to seek an informal conference with Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, upon the subject mentioned in your letter.

"The conference was granted, and took place on the 3d inst., on board a steamer anchored in Hampton Roads, where we met President Lincoln and Hon. Mr. Seward, Secretary of State of the United States. It continued for several hours, and was both full and explicit.

"We learned from them that the message of President Lincoln to the Congress of the United States, in December last, explains clearly and distinctly his sentiments as to terms, conditions, and method of proceeding by which peace can be secured to the people, and we were not informed that they would be modified or altered to obtain that end. We understood from him that no terms or proposals of any treaty or agreement looking to an ultimate settlement would be entertained or made by him with the authorities of the Confederate States, because that would be a recognition of their existence as a separate power, which under no circumstances would be done; and for like reasons, that no such terms would be entertained by him from States separately; that no extended truce or armistice, as at present advised, would be granted or allowed without satisfactory assurances in advance of complete restoration of the authority of the Constitution and laws of the United States over all places within the States of the Confederacy; that whatever