of them. What is to be done with this part of the people, is the same hard problem with which social science is grappling in every part of the civilized world. That something may be done, is proved by the results of individual labor among them in the spirit of religious faith and love. The work of Miss Amy Bradlee, at Wilmington, N.C., proves that they are not hopeless as individuals, whatever they may be as a class. Without corporal punishment, she has brought her schools into order and obedience, and has called out in her pupils a power of moral self-restraint which we believe will stand them through life. Yet her scholars show, by their very physical organization, out of what a slough of evil and want they have come. Even after two or three years of training-so that she and her friends say, "Oh, if you could have seen what they were in the beginning!"- they are still far more degraded in appearance than the children sent from our police court to the Reform Schools. It was amusing to see the hatred of the negro in full force here. The boys scouted the idea of schools for blacks and whites together, and laughed in our faces at the idea of colored teachers. There was, however, one honorable exception. One little fellow stoutly maintained the right of the negro to education, and the fact that the colored schools were ahead of the white. We believe Mr. Buckle's theory should come into play here, and that the food of these people must be changed before there is any hope of their having better muscles and brains, on which moral organization largely depends. They live almost entirely on "pork and collards," and often have not enough of that; and where this diet is not corrected by active out-door life, it must produce scrofulous and feeble constitutions.

Emigration from the North and elsewhere is another source of hope. The "carpet-bagger" truly enters in and possesses the land, to the infinite disgust of the old inhabitants. The eagle, with the carpet-bag in his claw, is the design on his congressional ticket; and he means it as a sign that he is a member of the Universal Yankee Nation, and can make himself at home everywhere; he is kind hearted and philanthropic, working for the good of his fellow-men, but having

a keen eye to his own interest also; he knows that the negro has the balance of power, and he means to win it for himself; he is not fastidious, and can eat bacon and greens in a negro cabin, or fare sumptuously at the Fifth-Avenue Hotel, with equal readiness; he can pray and preach and sing, and make speeches all the week through; he is moral and temperate, and preserves his health and good humor, in spite of all the fret and fume of the chivalry. The shafts of their hatred fall harmless on his armor of proof: the more they hate him, the more he feels his own importance and the power that he wields. He goes to the State legislature, and puts into office the black men who voted for him, or into Congress, and does not hesitate to press their claims upon General Grant. This is a favorable specimen of the carpet-bagger. The old Southerners hate him most cordially; hate him for his virtues as much as his defects, and hate him, most of all, for his success. What cares he? he makes money and gets office, sees New-England institutions springing up about him, and is content. The old South Carolinian finds his new townships named for Sumner and Wilson and Whittemore and Snyder (a colored man), and has to pocket the unendurable insult as he can. It is like an application of cantharides: it may be a good counter-irritant, but it makes him almost frantic now. These men, and other Northerners of a finer stamp, are doing an immense work in the South. It is to them that the admirable constitutions of the reconstructed States, and the provisions for a public school system, are largely due. Of the swarm of cotton speculators, Jew 'pedlers, and others who are to be found everywhere, we need not speak. Governed entirely by self-interest, they will help carry on the trade of the world, but will not guide it morally or intellectually.

Nearly half of the population remain to be considered; viz., the colored race. In all the mournful complaining of the old South, we must remember that this half is utterly ignored; but they are now, and must be in the coming future, emphatically the "people of the South." Judging from the physical appearance, both of adults and children, there is far more danger of the white race dying out than the black. Our eyes

were constantly attracted to fine specimens of manly beauty and strength, and of chubby and rosy childhood. Still retaining the habit of out-door labor, but now animated by hope, even the women have a vigor and life almost unknown among the white race. It is undoubtedly true that there is a large mortality, produced by insufficient food and by want of medical care. The women still suffer much from sickness, brought on by excessive toil. But, taken as a whole, the impression made upon the observer is of health, vigor, and hope. There is a morning light in their faces, a rejoicing over the great deliverance, which is in marked contrast with the despairing look of the whites. "I suppose this town is not as lively as it was before the war," we said to a bright black boy who was driving us into one of the county towns in South Carolina. "Oh, yes! it's a great deal livelier," was his reply. We looked surprised. "It was lively for the white folks before the war it's lively for us now," he continued.

We hold the faith of a celebrated sculptor and anatomist, that the negro is a young race with a future before him. There is often a painful contrast in the freedmen's schools between a chubby black child, glowing with life and humor, and another whom you cannot distinguish from white, but who represents in his puny person all the vices and miseries of an effete race. Although among the women there is much sickness, and chills and fever prevail almost everywhere, yet there is a great amount of crude physical force that can be educated into health and usefulness. It is impossible to look upon the rows of stalwart men and vigorous women in the churches and evening schools, and believe that this race is dying out, or can be crushed out.

Many of the disabilities of slavery linger about them still, it is true. There is a patient endurance and waiting in the older ones, which tells a sad story of suffering, and makes us fear that they will consent to be ground down all their lives. We rejoice, by contrast, in the "irrepressibles," who task all a teacher's power to keep their exuberant life in order. They have, too, the Southern looseness of nature, the want of snap and ring, and do not put things through with a will. This is,

undoubtedly, largely due to climate; but freer opportunities, and the stimulus of busy life, may prove a corrective in the future.

Besides this large body of uncultured humanity, the bone and sinew of the community, who are to form the great laboring body of the South, we found a few chosen souls representing the brain, who seemed called of Providence to be the future leaders. In South Carolina, we found a group of young men, furnishing such admirable specimens of this class, that we may be pardoned for giving a somewhat private history.

After Nat Turner's insurrection, in 1821, the fears and anger of the slaveholders prompted them to pass more stringent laws than ever before, for the management of both the free and slave colored people. A bill was introduced into the South Carolina legislature forbidding any schools for the free colored population. By the exertions of one Colonel Hamilton, this bill was so modified as to allow schools for them, if taught by white men. Some of the free colored people of Charleston, who had acquired property, were anxious to have their children educated; but it was very difficult to find a white man who would undertake the task. At last a family named Mood, of Scotch extraction, was found, who were anxious to obtain a collegiate and theological education. The colored people paid for their college course, on condition that they would teach a school for their children. Four brothers successively filled this position, and did their work faithfully. After they had gone, the school was really taught by one of the earlier pupils; though a superannuated white man was found for its nominal head, to save the law. The brothers Mood all became clergymen, and, we are sorry to add, were rank secessionists during the war. The graduates of this school felt their position bitterly. The free colored man had little more chance of rising in the world than the slave himself. One of them left Charleston, vowing he would never return to it again save with his musket on his shoulder. He was engaged with Major Stearns while recruiting in Tennessee; he returned to Charleston, as he had vowed, with his musket on his shoulder, and, still more, with his sword by

his side. Another entered Colonel Higginson's regiment. When South Carolina was opened to us, the officers of the Bureau, recognizing the superior education of these young men, recommended them to the New-England Society as teachers, and many of them have been thus employed for two or three years. They have done themselves great credit in their schools: they are quite equal to the average of those taught by Northern teachers. The order in these schools is very remarkable, especially as this is the point in which colored teachers usually fail from want of experience. Since the return of South Carolina to the Union, these gentlemen have been appointed to various offices. Some are in the legislature, both in the House and Senate; one or two are postmasters, registers of the census, &c. The Secretary of the State is a highly educated colored man, who pursued his studies in Scotland, was settled in Connecticut as a clergyman during the war, and then taught the American Missionary Association School, the largest in Charleston.

This group of young men, bound in close friendship to each other, are full of noble hope and ambition. They see a future at last open before them and their race, and are ready to seize every opportunity to elevate their own posi tion. Although some of them are so nearly white that they could easily pass for such at the North, they yet accept their place with the colored people, and strive to raise them up with themselves. We do not claim that they are all heroes and martyrs, nor that they always rise superior to the temptations of political life. It was with deep pain that we learned that the brown hand could clutch a bribe as well as the white, and that scenes in Washington might be re-enacted in Columbia. But that they are, on the whole, a noble band of young men, we had good proof; and on them, to our minds, rests a large portion of the hope of South Carolina. Talent, education, and will are theirs; and they will show that the State can dispense with the services of her rebellious children, and find loyal hands to serve and guide her.

There are other men and women, less favored by education, and slaves up to the time of the war, who will act a no less.