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The flag is made of silk; heavy crimson tassels hanging from the spear of the staff.

-Tribune, April 20.

Doc. 73.-FORT MOULTRIE. THE raking fire from Fort Sumter against Fort Moultrie was terribly destructive, and when viewed in connection with the fact that no life was lost, is the most extraordinary case ever recorded in history. As you enter, the eye falls upon the battered walls of the archway, with openings in some places large enough for windows. In other places may be seen the hanging splinters of the rafters, large picces of ceiling seemingly about to drop, while the holes in the roof throw a clear light over the scene of destruction, which renders it painfully impressive. It would be an almost impossible task to count the number of balls discharged at this devoted fortress. All of the officers' quarters were battered with seven, eight, or ten balls, which penetrated the whole depth of the building. The western wall on the upper balcony was entirely shot away. The barracks were almost entirely destroyed. The furnace for heating hot shot was struck four times, the flag of the Confederate States received three shots, and the Palmetto flag four-a rather singular and peculiar circumstance, when viewed in connection with the seven Confederate States. The merlons of sand-bags, &c., remain unbroken.

Mr. Copes's house, in front of the Enfilade Battery, was removed by order of the authorities.

The Moultrie House received four shots, one cutting away one of the main pillars, and making a clean breach through the building from one end to the other.

The other shots have damaged the walls and ceiling to a very considerable extent. Fortunately, no one was in at the time.

Mr. James M. Caldwell's house received several shots.

Mr. David Briggs's house was badly shattered. Mr. Ross's house received one shot. Mrs. Fillette's house was damaged by a shell, which burst on the roof and broke through the window.

The fence in front of the Presbyterian Church was shot away, but the church is uninjured.

The railroad track in front of Fort Moultrie was also torn up by the shot and shell.

The small building, formerly used as the Quartermaster's Department, United States Army, was very badly shattered, and large portions of the wall cut away.

Several other houses were struck with one or more balls, tearing off the weather-boarding and shattering the roofs. The largest number of the houses, however, are untouched. Providentially no hot shot was thrown from Sumter-probably from the fact that the garrison had no fuel. Many of those whose houses have been battered esteem it more fortunate than otherwise, and have determined to allow the buildings to remain, as far as possible, in the condition in which they were found after the battle, as a memento of the glorious 12th and 18th days of April, 1861. -Charleston Courier, April 20.

On the outside walls we counted over one hundred shots. Laborers were engaged in clearing away fallen bricks, &c. It will be necessary to pull down the old walls and rebuild anew. Even the beds and bedding in the officers' quarters and the men's barracks were cut and torn into splinters and shreds. Had it not been for the bomb-proof shelter, the loss of life would no doubt have been appalling. One shell entered the brick wall of Major Ripley's bedroom, ran down the wall, and burst on the bureau imme- Doc. 734-MEETING AT UNION SQUARE, NEW diately over the head of the bed. Our limited time prevented us from visiting the battery to the north of Fort Moultrie. We learn, however, that though many of the buildings around it had been struck several times, and fences, trees, &c., cut away, the battery sustained no injury.

THE BUILDINGS DAMAGED.

The following were the houses destroyed or damaged:

Mr. Henry Oetjen's house, a two-story frame dwelling, almost in range of the Floating Battery. This was completely riddled.

Mrs. Gilman's summer residence, partially destroyed.

YORK.

THE Rev. Dr. Spring, of the Brick Church, of the city, was invited to offer the opening prayer. The venerable gentleman, before offering prayer, said:I think myself very happy, Mr. President and fellow-citizens, that, as a native-born American, as a son of one of the revolutionary officers, as a member of Christ's church and one of His ambassadors, I am permitted to bear my testimony in favor of this noble cause. My past views on the agitated questions of the country are well known to those of you who are familiar with the press. I have seen no occasion to alter them; I adhere to them now. But the question now is not between slavery and anti-slavery-between republicanism and democracy; it is between law and anarchy-between government and mere phantoms, that sink into nothingness compared with the main question of government or no government in this favored country. And, Sir, it is that my feeble voice, in the behalf of that church which I represent, may be heard to-day, that I cheerfully accept the invitation to open this meeting with prayer. When I think of the little band of men who took such a noble part in the Mr. Benjamin Mordecai's house, badly damaged. struggle at Fort Sumter, maintaining the flag of Mr. T. Savage Heyward's house, badly damaged. their country while burning fires were about them Mr. F. P. Elford's house-roof battered in and—referring to Major Anderson and the other offiweather-boarding torn off.

Mrs. Brown's house, in front of the Enfilade Battery. This was removed previous to the cannonading.

Mr. George M. Coffin's summer residence nearly destroyed.

Mr. Smith's house partially destroyed. Mrs. C. Fitzsimon's house received seven shots, and is mostly destroyed.

Mr. Gervais's house, back of Fort Moultrie, almost

riddled.

Mr. Thomas Farr Capers's house was struck sev eral times.

cers present)-I feel cheered. (Cheers.) Your faces here to-day cheer me. The dead lips of that Father of his Country speak to you and to me!

And what do they say?" United we stand-divided we fall." Let us lift up our hearts to Almighty God for His presence and blessing.

PRAYER.

Almighty God, Creator of the heavens and the earth, the Infinite One, we are Thy creatures; Thou the Infinite and Eternal Creator, the King Eternal, Immortal and Invisible; the Great Emperor of heaven and of earth, doing Thy counsel in the armies of heaven and amid all the inhabitants of this lower world. We know we are unworthy; as a people we have to confess our sins before Thee, and come to Thy throne in the name of Jesus Christ, the great Mediator, who is Himself the Prince of the kings of the earth, that we might have an interest in Thy pardoning mercy, and under the blessings of our God and our fathers' God, we address ourselves to the exercises of this day and to the struggle to which Thy holy Providence calls us. Oh, God of our fathers, remember this favored land. We have reason to thank Thee for the spirit and success which Thou didst impart to our fathers in the revolutionary struggle; and may some of that spirit of our revered fathers and sainted mothers come down to their descendants on such occasions as this; and may that portion of the people of this land who, in the spirit of revolt, have gone from us, understand that we are but one people. Oh, God, we commit the cause in which the noble men-young men and men of middle age-have gone forth to fight the battles of this country and resist the aggressions of the foe, to Thy care, to Thy favor, to Thy providence, to Thy protection. Smile upon them and upon us, through Christ our Redeemer. Amen. (Responses of "Amen.")

These preliminaries having been arranged, the meeting was formally organized as follows:

Mr. McCurdy put in nomination for President Mr. John A. Dix.

The following list of officers was then put in nomination, and acceded to:

W. B. Astor, Greene C. Bronson, Peter Cooper, W. M. Evarts, W. C. Bryant, Pelatiah Perit, Geo. Bancroft, John A. King, Moses Taylor, James Boorman, Stewart Brown, John J. Phelps, R. B. Minturn, Henry Grinnell, O. D. F. Grant, W. E. Dodge, Watts Sherman, Edwin Crosswell, L. G. B. Cannon, John D. Wolfe, Seth B. Hunt, Edwin Dobbs, Joseph Stuart, R. H. McCurdy, Joseph W. Alsop, E. E. Morgan, Willis Blackstone, Nath. Hayden, John Lloyd, Chas. H. Russell,

J. Smith Homans, John Bigelow, John T. Johnston, Sheppard Gandy,

VICE-PRESIDENTS.

Robt. Ray, Benj. L. Swan, John Q. Jones, David Hoadley, Robt. J. Taylor, Jas. N. Phelps, Jas. Low, John Ewen, Jas. A. Briggs, John D. Jones, Wm. C. Bryce, Henry F. Vail, Frederick Bronson, F. A. Conkling, A. J. Williamson, D. H. Arnold, Geo. Folsom, Andrew Carrigan, A. C. Kingsland, Isaac Ferris, J. Auchincloss, M. Franklin, D. R. Martin, Wm. Chauncey, H. B. Chaflin, Wm. Bryce, A. S. Hewitt, 8. B. Althause, Peter Lorillard,

SECRETARIES.

D. D. Lord,
C. H. Marshall, Jr.,
Jas, G. De Forest,

Erastus Brooks,

Joseph Schleigman,
Schuyler Livingston
W. H. Osborn,
A. A. Vanderpoel,
W. W. De Forrest,
A. B. Baylis,
Elnathan Thorne,
W. B. Maclay,
Fred. Kapp,
Anson Herrick,
Theodore Fowler,
Daniel Leroy,
S. L. Mitchill,
Augustus Schell,
Chas. Christmas,
J B. Varnum,
Wm. Hall,

Chas. A. Secor,
John T. Hoffman,
Hamilton Fish,
Luther Bradish,
Fernando Wood,
A. T. Stewart,
Morris Ketchum,
Jonathan Sturges,
J. J. Astor,
John Cochran,
Alex. Duncan.

George A. Vogel, Fletcher Westray, Charles B. Norton.

SPEECH OF THE HON. JOHN A. DIX.

On taking the chair, the President said :Fellow-Citizens:-We have come together to express our determination to uphold the authority of the Government and to maintain inviolate the honor of the country. The circumstances under which we are assembled are calculated to fill any patriotic heart with the deepest concern. For the first time in our day civil strife has broken out in the bosom of our prosperous and happy country, and has been pushed by unscrupulous men to the extremity of war and bloodshed. With no provocation whatever from the Federal Government they turned their arms in fraternal hatred against it, even when it was administered by those who were actuated by the most friendly dispositions toward them. But I do not doubt, when the present excitement shall have passed away, when those who have thus arrayed themselves against the Government of the country shall have learned from a disastrous experience that their true interest lies in peace, all will concede, on a review of the past in a spirit of fairness and moderation, that there was no just ground for alienation. (Cheers.) But, fellow-citizens, I feel that all such considerations are inappropriate to the hour. The time for action has come. Practical issues are upon us, to be dealt with under a just sense of the responsibilities they have brought with them. The Constitution of the United States has been spurned and repudiated. The authority of the Government has been resisted by military force. The flag of the Union has been insulted, in more than one instance torn down, and even trampled under foot. Most of us were born, and all of us have lived in prosperity and peace under the protection of the constitution; we have regarded our allegiance to the Union as second only to our religion in the sanctity of its obligations; and we have venerated the national standard, under which Washington and Jackson and the host of gallant men who were their companions in arms, or who followed in their footsteps, achieved undying honors for themselves and their country. (Enthusiastic applause.) We should be more or less men if we could look with indifference on these outrages on all we hold most dear. There is no justification for the cause of the Confederate States in overturning within their limits the authority of the Federal Government. They have no excuse for it. This is no time for elaborate argument. Let me say in a word, that no respectable defence of the right of secession has ever fallen under my notice. No man contends that there is any warrant for it in the constitution. There is but one way for a State to go out of the Union-the way in which all came in-by the concurrence of the common authority. In no other manner can the terms of separation be agreed on. (We don't want to separate.) Whatever preliminary action there may be, it must come to this conclusion at last. It is an omitted case in our political compact. The framers of the constitution did not contemplate the dissolution of the Union. They framed the Government for themselves and their posterity. The repudiation of its authority by one of its members was not foreseen or provided for. It is a case which cannot be reached by the powers vested in Congress or in the Executive; and the States are necessarily remitted to the exercise of their united sovereignty for the solution of a problem which concerns the existence of all. It was for this reason that a Committee, of

which I was Chairman, in an address to our South- | in these words:-"If, with all the multiplied proof ern_brethren, adopted at a meeting in Pine-street, in December last, recommended that the States should meet together for consultation, and if they could not settle their difficulties amicably and preserve the Union, that they should arrange the terms of separation, and save the country from the horrors civil war. We implored them to pause, in order to give us time for an effort to restore harmony and fraternal feeling. We appealed to them in language of entreaty, which would have been humiliating if it had not been addressed to brethren of the same political family. To this appeal, enforced by the concurrence of eminent citizens of this State, who had always been the most strenuous advocates of Southern rights, the States to which it was addressed responded by setting the authority of the Union at defiance, by seizing the public forts and arsenals, by seducing federal officers from their allegiance, and in one instance by confiscating the treasure of the Government. For months those outrages were submitted to, with no effort on the part of the Government to resent or punish them, in the hope that, under the guidance of better counsels, those who committed them would return to their allegiance. This forbearance, unexampled in the history of nations, and falsely interpreted into a pusillanimous surrender of its authority by the Federal Government, had only the effect of invigorating the spirit of resistance, until at last the slender force in Fort Sumter was attacked-some 6,000 or 7,000 men against 100-and compelled, after a heroic resistance, to evacuate it. (Cheers for Fort Sumter.) The gallant commander of that handful of loyal men who sustained this unequal contest is before you. (Tremendous cheers for Major Anderson.) There hangs the flag under which they upheld the honor of their country; and its tattered condition shows the desperate defence they made. (Enthusiastic cheering.) It is under these circumstances that the General Government has appealed to the country to come to its support. (We will! we will!) It would have been treacherous to its trust if it had not determined to'uphold the authorities confided to it. And here, fellow-citizens, it is important that we should clearly understand the position of the late Administration, on this question. It is due to this Administration as well as the last, that we should all understand it. I shall be very brief, but I must ask your close attention for the few moments that will be needed. On the 3d of December last, in his Annual Message to Congress, the late President made a strong and unanswerable argument against the right of secession. He also indicated his purpose to collect the revenue and defend the forts in South Carolina. In a special message to Congress on the 8th of January he declared (I use the language of the message) "the right and the duty to use military force defensively against those who resist the federal officers in the execution of their legal functions and against those who assail the property of the Federal Government, is clear and undeniable." (Cries of "Good for him," and loud cheering.) The authorities of South Carolina were repeatedly warned that, if they assailed Fort Sumter, it would be the commencement of civil war, and they would be responsible for the consequences. (Cheers.) The last and most emphatic of these warnings is contained in the admirable answer of Mr. Holt, Secretary of War, to Mr. Hayne, the Commissioner from South Carolina, on the 6th of February. It is

which exists of the President's anxiety for peace, and of the earnestness with which he has pursued it, the authorities of that State shall assault Fort Sumter and peril the lives of the handful of brave and loyal men shut up within its walls, and thus plunge our common country into the horrors of civil war, then upon them and those they represent must rest the responsibility." (Enthusiastic applause, and waving of hats.) I believe the letter from which I have read this extract has never been published, for I, as a member of the Administration at the time it was written, have a right to say that it had the cordial approval of the late President, and all his constitutional advisers. (Cheers for General Dix.) And this brings me to the point I wish to make. I violate no confidence in making it. It is this: If South Carolina had tendered war to the late Administration as she has to this-I mean by a hostile and deadly assault-it would have been unanimously accepted. (Prolonged cheering.) I repeat, then, that this Administration has done no more than its duty. Nay, I believe, that self-preservation rendered necessary what it has done. I have no doubt that the Confederate leaders at Montgomery have entertained, and still entertain, the design of marching upon Washington to overthrow the Government, taking its place and presenting itself to the nations of the world as the true representative of the people of the United States. (Cries of "Never, never; they can't do it.") Against this usurpation and fraud, if it shall be attempted, I trust we shall contend with all the strength God has given us. (Cries of" We will.") I am for supporting the Government. I do not ask who administers it. It is the Government of my country, and as such I shall give it in this extremity all the support in my power. I regard the pending contest with the secessionists as a death struggle for constitutional liberty and law-a contest which, if successful on their part, could only end in the establishment of a despotic government, and blot out, wherever they were in the ascendant, every vestige of national freedom. You know, fellow-citizens, that I have always been in favor of adjusting controversies between the States by conciliation, by compromise, by mutual concession-in a word, in the spirit in which the constitution was formed. Whenever the times shall be propitious for calm consultation they will find me so still. But until then, let us remember that nothing could be so disastrous, so humiliating and so disreputable to us all as to see the common Government overthrown or its legitimate authority successfully resisted. Let us, then, rally with one heart, to its support. I believe it will act with all the moderation and forbearance consistent with the preservation of the great interests confided to it. There is no choice left but to acquiesce in its surrender to revolutionary leaders, or to give it the means it needs for defence, for selfpreservation and for the assertion of its authority, holding it responsible for their legitimate use. Fellow-citizens, we stand before the statue of the Father of his Country. The flag of the Union which floats over it hung above him when he presided over the Convention by which the constitution was framed. The great work of his life has been rejected, and the banner by which his labors were consecrated has been trampled in the dust. If the inanimate bronze in which the sculptor has shaped his image could be changed to the living form which led the ar

mies of the Revolution to victory, he would command us, in the name of the hosts of patriots and political martyrs who have gone before, to strike for the defence of the Union and the constitution. Mr. Dix closed his remarks amid the most enthusiastic applause.

The Chairman then read the following resolutions, which were unanimously adopted :

Whereas, the Union of the States, under the guidance of Divine Providence, has been the fruitful source of prosperity and domestic peace to the country for nearly three-quarters of a century; and

Whereas, the constitution, framed by our Revolutionary fathers, contains within itself all needful provisions for the exigencies of the Government, and, in the progress of events, for such amendments as are necessary to meet new exigencies; and

Whereas, an armed combination has been formed to break up the Union, by throwing off the obligations of the constitution, and has, in several of the States, carried on its criminal purpose, and, finally, by assaulting Fort Sumter, a fortress of the United States occupied by a slender but heroic garrison, and capturing it by an overwhelming force after a gallant defence, thus setting the authority of the Government at defiance, and insulting the National Flag; and

Whereas, the Government of the United States, with an earnest desire to avert the evils of civil war, has silently submitted to these aggressions and insults with a patient forbearance unparalleled in the annals of history, but has at last deemed it due to the public honor and safety to appeal to the people of the Union for the means of maintaining its authority, of enforcing the execution of the laws, and of saving our country from dismemberment and our political institutions from destruction; therefore,

Resolved, That the Declaration of Independence, the war of the Revolution, and the Constitution of the United States have given origin to this Government, the most equal and beneficent hitherto known among men; that under its protection the wide expansion of our territory, the vast development of our wealth, our population, and our power, have built up a nation able to maintain and defend before the world the principles of liberty and justice upon which it was founded; that by every sentiment of interest, of honor, of affection and of duty, we are engaged to preserve unbroken for our generation, and to transmit to our posterity, the great heritage we have received from heroic ancestors; that to the maintenance of this sacred trust we devote whatever we possess, and whatever we can do, and in support of that Government under which we are happy and proud to live, we are prepared to shed our blood and lay down our lives.

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nal States, and accepted by those which subsequently became parties to it, is binding upon all; and that any resumption by any one of them of the rights delegated to the Federal Government, without first seeking a release from its obligations through the concurrence of the common sovereignty, is unauthorized, unjust to all the others, and destructive of all social and political order.

Resolved, That when the authority of the Federal Government shall have been re-established, and peaceful obedience to the constitution and laws prevail, we shall be ready to confer and co-operate with all loyal citizens throughout the Union, in Congress or in Convention, for the consideration of all supposed grievances, the redress of all wrongs, and the protection of every right, yielding ourselves, and expecting all others to yield, to the will of the whole people as constitutionally and lawfully expressed.

Resolved, That it is the duty of all good citizens, overlooking past differences of opinion, to contribute by all the means in their power to maintain the Union of the States, to defend the constitution, to preserve the national flag from insult, and uphold the authority of the Government against acts of lawless violence, which, if longer unresisted, would inevitably end in breaking down all the barriers erected by our fathers for the protection of life, liberty and property, and involve the country in universal anarchy and confusion.

Resolved, That a committee of twenty-five, to be nominated by the President, be appointed by this meeting to represent the citizens in the collection of funds and the transaction of such other business in aid of the movements of the Government as the public interests may require.

SPEECH OF DANIEL S. DICKINSON. FELLOW CITIZENS-I was invited to speak on this occasion-in the language of the call to the people, without distinction of party, and I avail myself, with alacrity, of the invitation. This morning I travelled two hundred miles in order to be present. (Cheers.) We are cast on perilous times. The demon of discord has inaugurated his terrible court, and it becomes us as a great people to act in a manner becoming this Government and people. In a somewhat extended service I have entertained my own views of what each section of this confederacy owed to the other. Through a spirit of forbearance, fraternity and friendship, I had hoped, notwithstanding there might be subjects of irritation, that the healing influence of time and the recollection of the great names and greater memories of the Revolu tion would call back all to their duty, that all might be harmonized, and that we might all march on together like brethren to a great and common destiny. (Cheers.) But while we were revelling Resolved, That the founders of the Government in these dreams a fortress has been attacked and of the United States have provided, by the institu- reduced, or evacuated. The flag of the country tion of the Supreme Court, a tribunal for the peace- has been insulted, public property seized, and civil ful settlement of all questions arising under the war exists this day by the action of those who constitution and the laws; that it is the duty of the should be and are our sister States-by those who States to appeal to it for relief from measures which are our brethren. In this great crisis it is no time they believe unauthorized; and that attempts to to inquire for causes remote and distant; it is no throw off the obligations of the constitution, and to time to inquire who holds the helm of the ship of obtain redress by an appeal to arms, can be consid-State; it is no time to inquire what interest or secered in no other light than as levying war against the United States.

Resolved, That the Constitution of the United States, the basis and the safeguard of the Federal Union, having been framed and ratified by the origi

tion placed him there. The only question is, does he steer the ship between the Scylla and Charybdis which threaten our Union, according to the lights of the constitution? If he does, he is to be sustained. (Cheers.) I shall not pursue this matter

in an angry spirit. I would make every effort to bring back every wandering lamb to the fold again. I would not levy war for aggression-I would levy it for defensive peace. (Cheers.) I would not do it to despoil others. I would arm, and that in a manner becoming this Government and people, not for aggression, I repeat, but for defence-for the purpose of retaining our honor and dignity, not only at home, but among the nations of the earth. (Cheers.) The most brilliant successes that ever attended the field of battle could afford me no pleasure; because I cannot but reflect that of every one who falls in this unnatural strife, be it on one side or on the other, we must, in our sober moments, exclaim,

Another sword has laid him low,
Another, and another's:

And every hand that dealt a blow-
Ah, mel it was a brother's.

But we are called upon to act. There is no time for hesitation or indecision-no time for haste and excitement. It is a time when the people should rise in the majesty of their might, stretch forth their strong arm and silence the angry waves of tumult. It is time the people should command peace. (Cheers.) It is a question between union and anarchy--between law and disorder. All politics for the time being are and should be committed to the resurrection of the grave. The question should be, "Our country, our whole country, and nothing but the country." (Cheers.)

"Tis not the whole of life to live

Nor all of death to die.

We should go forward in a manner becoming a great people. But six months since, the material elements of our country were never greater. Today, by the fiat of madness, we are plunged in distress and threatened with political ruin, anarchy and annihilation. It becomes us to stay the hands of this spirit of disunion. The voice of the Empire State can be potential in this unnatural strife. (Cheers.) She has mighty power for union. She has great wealth and influence, and she must bring forward that wealth and exert that influence. She has numerous men and she must send them to the field, and in the plenitude of her power command the public peace. This is a great commercial city -one of the modern wonders of the earth. With all the great elements that surround her, with her commercial renown, with her architectural magnificence, with her enterprise and energy, she is capable of exercising a mighty power for good in silencing the angry waves of agitation. (Cheers.) While I would prosecute this war in a manner becoming a civilized and a Christian people, I would do so in no vindictive spirit. I would do it as Brutus set the signet to the death-warrant of his son"Justice is satisfied, and Rome is free." (Cheers.) I love my country; I love this Union. It was the first vision of my early years; it is the last ambition of my public life. Upon its altar I have surrendered my choicest hopes. I had fondly hoped that in approaching age it was to beguile my solitary hours, and I will stand by it as long as there is a Union to stand by-(cheers)-and when the ship of the Union shall crack and groan, when the skies lower and threaten, when the lightnings flash, the thunders roar, the storms beat and the waves run mountainhigh, if the ship of State goes down, and the Union perishes, I would rather perish with it than survive

its destruction. (Loud cheers.) I love that flag. with all its stars and stripes-that flag of my fathers-that flag that is known and honored throughout the earth, wherever civilization has travelled. I love it still; I would say, with the British peer, "With all thy faults I love thee still." Let us, my friends, stay up the hands of Union men in other sections of the country. How much have they sacrificed of advantage, of national wealth, of political promotion! Let us aid them and cheer them on. Let us, my fellow-citizens, rally round the flag of our country, rendered illustrious by the gallant Anderson. (Cheers.) In the spirit of peace and forbearance he waved it over Fort Sumter. The pretended authorities of South Carolina and the other Southern States attacked him because they seemed to consider him a kind of minister plenipotentiary. Let us maintain our flag in the same noble spirit that animated him, and never desert it while one star is left. (Cheers.) If I could see my bleeding, torn, maddened and distracted country once more restored to quiet and lasting peace under those glorious stars and stripes, I could almost be ready to take the oath of the infatuated leader in Israel-Jephtha-and swear to sacrifice the first living thing that I should meet on my return from victory. (Loud cheers.)

SPEECH OF SENATOR BAKER, OF OREGON. The majesty of the people is here to-day to sustain the Majesty of the Constitution-(cheers)-and I come, a wanderer from the far Pacific, to record my oath along with yours of the great Empire State. (Applause and three cheers for Baker.) The hour for conciliation has passed, the gathering for battle is at hand; and the country requires that every man shall do his duty. (Loud cheers.) Fellow-citizens, what is that country? Is it the soil on which we tread? Is it the gathering of familiar faces? Is it our luxury and pomp and pride? Nay, more than these, is it power and might and majesty alone? No, our country is more, far more than all these. The country which demands our love, our courage, our devotion, our heart's blood, is more than all these-(loud applause)-our country is the history of our fathers

our country is the tradition of our mothers—our country is past renown-our country is present pride and power-our country is future hope and destiny-our country is greatness, glory, truth, constitutional liberty-above all, freedom forever! (Enthusiastic cheers.) These are the watchwords under which we fight; and we will shout them out till the stars appear in the sky, in the stormiest hour of battle. (Cheers.) I have said that the hour for conciliation is past. It may return; but not to-morrow, nor next week. It will return when that tattered flag (pointing to the flag of Fort Sumter) is_avenged. (Prolonged and enthusiastic cheers.) It will return when rebel traitors are taught obedience and submission. It will return when the rebellious confederates are taught that the North, though peaceable, are not cowardlythough forbearing, are not fearful. (Cheers.) That hour of conciliation will come back when again the ensign of the Republic will stream over every rebellious fort of every Confederate State. (Renewed cheers.) Then, as of old, the ensign of the pride and power, and dignity and majesty, and the peace of the Republic will return. (Loud applause.) Young men of New York-young men of the United

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